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Thepartyswiftly replacedtheformerHungarianpartiesasthepartnerof the
Saxonsinthepoliticalpacttheyhad.Szter8nyihappily joinedtheparty, too,not
least because it made him a semi-official governmentMember of Parliament
instead of being in opposition, without demonstratively abandoning his pre-
viouspartyadherence.Hedeclaredhimself tobeamemberof theparty,andhe
alsowelcomed the national unity expressed by the party, thatwas to be – ac-
cording to him – a model for Hungarians in all Transylvania, and even in
Hungaryas awhole.59Szter8nyi’smembershipwasall themore important, be-
cause,afterTisza’sfallin1917,heonceagainbecamestatesecretaryand,assuch,
alsoan important interlocutor,60muchlikeBern#dyhadbeen forT.rguMures‚.
However,contrarytothecenter-peripheryarrangementsinMaramures‚orT.rgu
Mures‚, theoneinBras‚ovcouldnotsurvive1918.Whilethekeyfiguresremained
inRomania inthiscaseaswell, the localHungarianshadnothing tooffer to the
new,RomanianstatewhichwasmoreeagertocompromisewiththeSaxons.The
Hungarian Civic Party of Bras‚ov disappeared without announcing its dis-
solution,but its leaders resurfaced intheHungarianminoritypartyas its local
leaders,61drawing lessons fromtheir earlier experienceswith aminority party
regarding theproper,unitaryorganizationofanationalminority.
Dissociating thenation-stateand thebottom-upempire?
The threecasesabove illustrate thatHungaryaround1900wasnot entirely the
unitarynation-state it pretended tobe.The central government informally ex-
erted differentiated rule over the peripheries, and in this process, it co-opted
local elites or employed imperial figures as interlocutors. Furthermore, these
informal rearrangementsof center-periphery relationsweremore thanunique
cases, at least in the sense that they illustrate a systemic characteristic ofHun-
gary: thepotential fordeviatingfromtheformalrulesofunitaryadministration
informally.Itisnotablethattwooutofthesethreecases(Maramures‚andBras‚ov)
werepartofadecades-long informalsettlementbetweenregionalelitesandthe
central government – betweenMaramures‚ nobility and Saxon leaders. Their
reconfirmationorreconfigurationaround1900wasnotjustamerecoincidence,
however.Theyweretheresultsofanimperialcontext thatmostcontemporaries
understood as a crisis and which generated a series of reform projects and
attempts, like A. C. Popovici’s Grossösterreich plans, the centralization ideas
59 Szter8nyi Jjzsef,Azfflj alakulat, in:Brassji Lapok(01.01.1911)274.p. 1.
60 SeeBalatonPetra,Szter8nyiJjzseferd8lyip#lyafut#sa, in:Lev8lt#riKözlem8nyek82(2011),
p. 146–170.
61 B8la György, A rom#niaiOrsz#gosMagyar P#rt tört8nete 1922–1938, Eötvös Lor#ndUni-
versityBudapest2003.
RegionalElites,NationalistPolitics, LocalAccommodations 351
Österreich-Ungarns imperiale Herausforderungen
Nationalismen und Rivalitäten im Habsburgerreich um 1900
- Title
- Österreich-Ungarns imperiale Herausforderungen
- Subtitle
- Nationalismen und Rivalitäten im Habsburgerreich um 1900
- Authors
- Wolfram Dornik
- Bernhard Bachinger
- Stephan Lehnstaedt
- Publisher
- V&R unipress GmbH
- Date
- 2020
- Language
- German
- License
- CC BY 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-3-7370-1060-3
- Size
- 15.5 x 23.2 cm
- Pages
- 362
- Keywords
- KUK, K.U.K, Habsburg, Monarchie, Österreich-Ungarn
- Categories
- Geschichte Vor 1918