Page - 27 - in JRFM - Journal Religion Film Media, Volume 01/01

Religion and Communication Spaces | 27www.jrfm.eu 2015, 1/1, 23–30 on affirmation, rather than employ a demonstrative, rational discourse, and the film works primarily through affective elements (music, visual dynamic). in a way, the opening scene, with its Mexican dance sequence – quite astonishing for a film made to promote Catholicism – sums up the overarching communication strategy. It depicts the Catholic Church as a happy, joyous community of life in which people take pleasure in celebrating together, but in a rule-based framework; dance is a structured celebration (nothing disorderly), a celebration inviting participants to a communion of bodies in music (a way of bonding the community together), and we all know how important this is in evangelical ritual. To conclude, this film plays on exactly the same chords as communication by Evan- gelical churches, while at the same time underlining the superiority of the Catholic Church; unlike Evangelical churches, the Catholic Church is rooted in a long and pres- tigious history; it is an institution spanning 2000 years, rich and respected, well or- ganised, its influence reaching all over the world. There is good reason to suppose that within this framework, the communication strategy deployed by the film stands a good chance of working. The film I have just analysed mainly uses the discursive mode and fits wholly into the Catholic religious space, but the other two both draw on the storytelling mode (with a moral message)9 and straddle two communication spaces: the story told brings into play the religious space (Buddhist in one case, roman Catholic in the other), but the moral is altogether somewhere else, in the consumer space. religion here is merely a vehicle for commercial discourse, urging the viewer to drink Coca Cola or Pepsi. Kung Fu Pepsi Crush (2002–2003) The Pepsi film tells the story of a young boy who enters a Buddhist monastery as a novice. The camera focuses on a huge sign resembling a keyhole decorating the gateway of the monastery; the same sign crops up in all sorts of places, in particular on the monks’ foreheads. For the first two-thirds of the film we are told nothing that might help us make sense of this sign; all we gather is that it must play an essential part because it recurs so persistently. At a narrative level, we see the boy’s first steps in the community, which are difficult but lead to progress. He grows into a young man, successfully completing his initiation trials. The community hails his success and, at the invitation of the master, the monks all open cans of Pepsi in synch, raising them to their lips as one (it should be noted that the little noise as they lift the pull-tab is the only synchronous sound in the film). The initiate follows suit with a big smile to show how happy he is, but the community is expecting more; looking faintly angry, the monks are clearly waiting for something else on the part of the initiate. The lat- ter is at a bit of a loss – much like the viewer, even if it is now abundantly clear that 9 Odin 2011, 61.