Page - 63 - in Mobile Culture Studies - The Journal, Volume 4/2018

Mobile Culture Studies. The Journal 4 2o18 Debora Baldelli | Parading in the city’s public space 63 nity of Singing” in India, with strong membership in the country, something close to a mass movement (Adami 2013:194). Hare Krishnas believe that mantra chanting does not only benefit those who perform it, but all those who are are within its reach and can hear it (Brown 2014: 458). The musical practice is used to communicate Krishna consciousness so that individuals with different life experiences can find a meaning for life (Ibid.:470). It is, therefore, the collective devotional musical practice that facilitates one‘s spiritual experience. The focus on Hare Krishna devotional practice is not only listening to, but experiencing music (Fahy 2010: 5), which is done through the collective singing of mantras in a participatory mode. The chanting of mantras plays a central role in the interaction and cohesion between indi- viduals present in the temple and street activities, whether devotees or visitors. It is through the collective performance that individuals experience a feeling of oneness with others (Turino 2008:2-3). The signs of this “social intimacy” are experienced directly - body to body - and, therefore, in the moment they are felt as true. According to Turino, we depend on social groups - our family, our friends, our tribe, our nation - to survive emotionally, economically and belong to something greater than ourselves (ibid.). Sankirtana is practised by all Hare Krishna devotees around the globe through two kinds of musical practices, bhajan and kirtan, which focus on the collective chanting of mantras in temples and in the streets. Both bhajan and kirtan are always performed in a call and response mode. The individual who is leading the musical practice indicates the tempo and the melody both to the public and to other musicians. In this sense, the musical practice among devotees is always participatory, with different levels of participation, from those responsible for playing and singing, to those who choose only to clap or repeat mantra lyrics. The Hare Krishna Movement in Lisbon organises several events, some weekly, others spo- radically. There are three activities that all Hare Krishna temples do: the Sunday Festival, Hari- nama and Food for Life, the first one in the temple and the other two on the city streets. In 2016, the annual festival Ratha Yatra Lisbon was also founded. Among devotees of Krishna and regular visitors, the participation in musical practice sug- gests how these activities can help overcome barriers of social or cultural differences, allowing moments of integration between different groups (Brown 2014: 455). Music can also be used for self-identification and development of citizenship (Machin-Autenrieth 2013). The voice should also be at the centre of debates on collective religious practices in the public space. Ethnomusicologist Monique Ingalls, in her research about Jesus in the City Parade, in Canada, suggests the use of voice is related to how participants use the performance to guide them in a broader context or a new society (2012: 339). The author states that when using music in their performances in the streets, participants are at the same time confronting and trying to be persuasive towards those outside their “community.” In this sense, it is possible to say that occupying the public space with the voice is a way of living in the city as a citizen and also a way of seeking to legitimise one‘s spiritual practice. Hare Krishna Movement in Portugal Located in the centre of Lisbon, the Hare Krishna temple is a transnational space of migrant sociability. It is attended by devotees and visitors of many nationalities mainly from countries