Page - 64 - in Mobile Culture Studies - The Journal, Volume 4/2018

64 Mobile Culture Studies. The Journal 4 2o18 Debora Baldelli | Parading in the city’s public space such as Brazil, Russia, Ukraine, Nepal, India, and Portuguese citizens from the former African colonies, especially Angola and Mozambique. Some are former devotees; others become devo- tees in Portugal, and others are just regular visitors. The inception of the Hare Krishna Movement in Portugal occurred between 1975 and 1977 through migrants from Brazil, Canada, U.S.A. and Angola. The date of the arrival of the first devotee in Portugal is not precise. The first Portuguese devotee of Krishna came from Angola in the mid-70s and became a devotee officially in France soon after. This Portuguese devotee from Angola would have been the only “initiated” by Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada, founder of ISKCON, which, to the devotees, has a great importance in the history of the Movement in the country. It was after the Carnation Revolution in 1974, that many religious practices emerged or ceased to exist clandestinely. During the Estado Novo (1933-1974), all non-Catholic religions were targeted by the most conservative sectors of the church (Vilaça 2003: 190). In 1976, a new constitution was approved by Parliament ensuring a democratic state. It is in this context that religious freedom becomes a reality. An article against religious discrimination (art.41.o-1), which specifies that “no one should be persecuted, deprived of rights or exempted from civil responsibilities or duties because of his religious beliefs” (ibid.2003:194), gives freedom to and equality among citizens. The conditions of freedom of action and expression provided by the democratic state opened doors to religious options previously unknown. Taking into account the social and political situation proves to be essential in understanding the current religious situation in Portugal (ibid. 195). These new policies and laws were created also as a reflection of the increasing arrival of immigrants with different backgrounds after the Carnation Revolution. Portugal has a recent history of immigration, often characterised as “new migration” (Rod- rigues 2010:91). Since 1974, with the fall of the colonial system and the collapse of the structure it sustained, Portugal started to show an unprecedented increase in its history of entries of immigrants and Portuguese returning from Africa (Dias 2016:163). The entry into the Euro- pean Economic Union in 1986 also contributed to a significant improvement eventually attrac- ting immigrants due to employment opportunities in the country, as well as to use Portugal as a getaway to the European Community (Malheiros 2007:17). In this sense, say that not only the immigration cycles to Portugal are recent, but also its religious plurality. The dimension of the Hare Krishna Movement in Portugal is also a reflec- tion of this past. Vilaça proposes that “the lack of religious plurality over the centuries, structu- red attitudes and collective social representations regarding a polarisation between, on the one hand, a strong identity and the adhering of Catholicism and on the other, an anti-clericalist sense”(2003: 195). This non-plural religious past, I believe, is reflects in the small membership of Portuguese in the Hare Krishna Movement. Most Hindus residing in Portugal came from Mozambique in the early 80s, due to the wor- sening civil war in the country (Lourenço 2009: 4; Cachado 2009: 2). The Hindus in Portugal come from five distinct groups: Hindus; Muslims; Ismailis, Christians and most recently the Sikhs (Lourenço 2009: 4). Migratory paths of Hindu populations are closely associated with the history of European colonisation and its impacts on different continents (Dias 2016: 161). In the mid-80s, the Hare Krishna movement had a strong participation from Indians coming mainly from Mozambique, many belonging to the current Hindu community, which