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136 chapter 4
the extent that they submit to the framework set by the cultureof theprop-
ertied classes.34 For Bauer, themost important phenomenonengenderedby
thedevelopmentofcapitalismwastheemergenceofaninternationallyorgan-
ised labourmovement. Thismovement anticipated the political emancipa-
tion of the proletariat by augmenting its position to the national class and
hegemon.Towhatdegree theworkingclassbecomes the leading force in the
process of national integration depends upon the degree to which its class
priorities intersect with the interests of the nation. The process of integra-
tionwill be finalised in a proletarian state inwhich culture is accessible to
all.
Inhis account,whichalsodelineated the communities of culture inmore
detail, Bauer also illustrated thehistory of thenation.During the first stage,
there is a clancommunityof culture, theclannation.During the second, the
feudalnationunitesanarrowlyconfinedeliteoflandownersintoacommunity
ofculture.Inthecapitalistnation–thethirdstage–economicandpoliticalrul-
ing classesdefine theessenceof the communityof culture. This community,
however, exhibitsa stronger tendency tonationalaffinitybasedoneducation
andpolitics than the fragmented local communitiesof the feudal epoch.The
final stage is the solidaristic community of the future, the socialist nation.
Unlike all earlier communities, it is based on the equal and universal parti-
cipationofall citizens innationalculture.Bauerdidnot foreseeanypotential
processesofdisintegrationinsocialistsocieties.
Bauer’s analysis also contained a differentiation of nations rooted in the
HegeliantraditionpopularisedbyEngels,distinguishingbetweenhistoricand
non-historicnations.35The introductionof thesecategories remainedassoci-
34 AccordingtoBauer, theconfinesof thebourgeoiscommunityofculturearetransparent:
it encompasses thecourtnobles, landowners,highofficials, theprosperousbourgeoisie,
andthenewlyemergedindependenturbanprofessions.SeeBauer1996,p.69.
35 Engelsjustifiedthedifferentiationbetweenhistoricandnon-historicnationsbycitingthe
differencebetweencivilisationandbarbarism.Heequatedcivilisationwiththedevelop-
mentof industry,capitalism,andtheriseof thebourgeoisie,while identifyingbarbarism
witheconomicbackwardness, feudalism,andpeasantculture. SeeEngels 1977.The the-
oryofnon-historicnationswasalsopresentinFerdinandLasalle’swork:heremarkedthat
theFrenchhada justifiedhistorical andculturalmissionwith regards to theAlgerians,
as theBritishhad towards India. SeeBernstein 1892, p. 30. Butterwegge stated: ‘Bauer’s
adopteddifferentiationbetween“non-historical”andhistoricalorculturalnations,which
correspondedwithhisGreaterGermanismandimpliedaGerman-Austrianculturalmis-
sionwithrespect to theSlavicpeoples,wasambiguous tosay the least. Indeed,hisbook
wascitedbytheGermanSocialDemocraticleadershiptojustifyitsapprovalofwarcredits
forWorldWari’ (ourtranslation)–Butterwegge1981,p. 131.
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Title
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Subtitle
- Thinker and Politician
- Author
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Publisher
- Brill
- Location
- Leiden
- Date
- 2017
- Language
- English
- License
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Size
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Pages
- 444
- Keywords
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Category
- Biographien