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146 chapter 4
tionassuch,butratherBauer’sapproachtoit.Ourreconstructionwilltherefore
refer to the aforementioned researchers’ key conclusions andwill be limited
toabrief expositionof theSocialDemocrats’ stance.Embroiledas theywere
in ideologicalandtacticaldifficulties, theSocialDemocratshadnotyet taken
upaunifiedpositiononthenationalquestion inthe 1860s–70s.57Documents
fromthefirstcongressesof theworkers’organisationstestify totheconflictof
opinions.58 Likewise, during the period of unification, the Social Democrats
were in doubt as towhether they should simply dismiss the national ques-
tion as a bourgeois chimera and instead campaign for internationalism, or
elseseekasolutionwithintheexistingconstitutional framework.Thefounder
of themovement, Victor Adler, was aware of this dilemma. He resisted any
debate on the national question in the party as best he could, wary that it
mightleadtoasplit inthelabourmovement.59AdleragreedwithKautskythat
thenationalquestioncouldbe reduced toa languageproblemand therefore
hadtobe transferred fromtheeconomicandpoliticalontoacultural terrain.
Adlerunderestimatedtheunderlyingsocio-economicandpoliticalreasonsfor
national conflicts. Nor did he recognise the degree of tensions that existed
betweenworkersofdifferentnationalities. In theprogrammeof theunifying
Hainfeldcongress, theSocialDemocratsconsequentlyarguedformaintaining
thestatusquoofthemonarchy–apolicythatAdlerandKautskyhadauthored.
OnAdler’s inference,therewasconspicuoussilencearoundthenationalques-
tion,whichhadbeenbypassed in favourof a strong focuson the struggle for
universal suffrage. The resolution proclaimed at congress defined the party
as international, yet did not define internationalismmore closely. The party
57 Themoderatesadvocatedacompromisewith the liberal andnationalparties,while the
radicalsaimedtomaintainindependentpoliticalactionandinternationalism.
58 TheManifesto totheWorkingPeopleofAustria,whichhadbeenformulatedbythe fifth
Viennaworkers’ congress on 10May 1868, called upon the solidarity of workers of all
Austro-Hungariannationsandassuredthemthatthetimeofnationaldivisionswasover.
TheApril 1874partycongress inNeudörfl adoptedadiametricallyoppositeposition: the
resolutionapprovedofseparatistnationalorganisationsandadoptedtherightofnations
to self-determination.Theprogrammeadoptedat thecongress inWienerNeustadt (13–
15August1876),conversely,wasabackwardstepwhencomparedtotheprogressiveparts
of the1874programme: itattemptedtounitetheworkersaroundtheslogan, ‘theworkers
ofAustria fight, but theydo sowithin the frameworkof the existing constitution’ – see
Berchtold1967,p. 199.The‘programmaticresolution’of1877,whichcontainedacommon
positionofallnationalorganisationsonuniversal suffrage, representedacompromiseof
sorts.FormoreontheprogrammesmentionedhereandthenationalprogrammeofBern,
compareKulemann1979,pp. 120–6.
59 CompareKonrad1977,p. 138.
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Title
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Subtitle
- Thinker and Politician
- Author
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Publisher
- Brill
- Location
- Leiden
- Date
- 2017
- Language
- English
- License
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Size
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Pages
- 444
- Keywords
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Category
- Biographien