Page - 180 - in Otto Bauer (1881–1938) - Thinker and Politician

180 chapter 5 socialism.23However,Baueronlyacceptedthemunder theconditionthat the workingclasswouldnotdestroy thegainsofpoliticaldemocracy.Heextolled 23 Bauer’s belief in the availability ofmultiple roads to socialism is inconsistentwith his remarksonworldrevolutioncontainedinaseriesof1919articles(collectedinthepamph- let,DieWeltrevolution [WorldRevolution],published later thatyear).Because theymain- tained thecore elementsofhis parliamentary-democratic conceptionof revolution,we shallbrieflyexplainhisattitudetoworldrevolutionhere. Inhis letter toBelaKunof 16 June1919,Bauerdefendedthenotionthatworldrevolu- tionwouldassumeavarietyof formsdeterminedbytherespectivesocio-economiccon- ditions.Hewrote: ‘Ibelievethatwe’re inthefirstorsecondstageofworldrevolution;but Iviewrevolutionas less linear, lengthier,morediverse,moredifferentiatedaccording to timeandlocationthanmostofyourcloserfriendsdo…’–Bauer1980n,p. 1057.Analysing changes in the international balanceof forces afterWorldWar i, Bauer concluded that onlyGreatBritainortheUnitedStatescouldbecomethefocalpointof therevolutionary movement.Thisviewwasbased,ontheonehand,onhisassessmentofthelevelsofindus- trialisation in these countries and, on theother, onhis loyalty toMarx’s prophecy that the revolutionwouldbevictorious in themost industrialisedcountries.Anothernotion widespread inbothMarxist and liberal doctrine at the timealso played a role: namely the idea that technological and industrial progress is a prerequisite for the progressive humanisation of societies. Despite his positive assessment of the industrialisationpro- cess inGreat Britain and theUnited States, Bauer far fromadmitted that the objective and subjective prerequisites for revolutionhad alreadymatured in these countries.On thecontrary:giventhestrengtheningofparliamentarismandthetrade-unionmovement inGreatBritainandtheus,hehoped foracontinuationof thedemocratisationprocess and socialisation of the economy, i.e. the victory of peaceful revolution. Bauer did not agreewiththeCommuniststhatthenationalrevolutionsinRussia,GermanyandAustria might spreadandgrow intoaworld revolution. Instead, heviewed these revolutions as effectsofspecificsocio-politicalcircumstances(defeatsatthefront,unemployment,and starvation)anddeniedthemanyhistoricalsignificance.Theincreasingeconomiccrisisin GermanyandAustriamadehimworryastowhetherapeacefulrevolutionwouldbepos- sible.Hefearedthatthecrisismighthaveconsequencesfortheparliamentaryrevolution, provokingeithercounter-revolutionordrivingthemassestopushforadictatorshipofthe proletariat. In this respect,hemaintainedhis resistanceagainst theproletariandictator- shipandhissharpcriticismsofrevolutionmodelledonSovietRussia.InWorldRevolution, hewrote: ‘…Bolshevism is…nothing but the political formof national bankruptcy’ – Bauer1976,p. 174. Tenyearslater,hereturnedtothequestionofworldrevolutionatthethirdcongressof theLabourandSocialist Internationalon5–11August 1928–seeGrünberg 1966,pp. 150– 3. InManifestandieArbeiterderganzenWelt (Manifesto to theWorkersof theWorld), he calledupontheworkers’partyandtradeunionstostrengthenthepoliticalandeconomic positions of theworking class in the capitalist state. In 1928, Bauerwas convinced that capitalism had already achieved a high level of organisation and standardisation at a global level (rationalisation, social legislation, labourandtradeagreements,assimilation