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the ‘thirdway’ to socialism 191
assembly andhave the following functions: (1)monitor thework of officials
andconsider thedemandsof theworkingclass inall areasofadministration;
(2)educationalwork.Atthetime,Adlerbelievedthatahybridofcouncilsand
bourgeois institutions insteadof a proletariandictatorshipwould secure the
workingclassasimilarstatusastheproclamationofasovietrepublic.55InLöw
andPfabigan’sview,Adlerfearedtheradicalismofthemassesfarmorethanhe
feared the consolidationof thenational assembly andparliamentarism.56 In
hismind,thecouncilswerenorevolutionaryforcethatcouldleadtotheseizure
ofpower;instead,theywerejustinstrumentstoaidtheprocessof ‘growinginto
socialism’withoutanyconstitutionalstatus.
Bauer fully shared the sdap’s unfavourable attitude towards the council
system.57Thecongressofcouncils,whichlostthesupportoftheparty,adopted
a resolution in 1919 that rendered thecouncilsmereappendagesof theparty
and tradeunions. The leaders’ revolutionaryproclamationsdidnot alter the
factthatthecouncilsweresubordinatedtostateadministration.Theywereno
morethansubsidiarybodiesaidingtoenforcetheparty line.58
55 SeeAdler1919,p.31.
56 SeeLöw,MattlandPfabigan1986,p.71.
57 His attitude towards the Hungarian soviet republic was exemplary for his ostensibly
revolutionarypolitics.HewelcomeditsestablishmentonlybecauseofAustrianpolitical
interests.LiketheHungariangovernment,BauerfearedthatAustriancounter-revolution-
ary forcesmight gain strength and the Entente countries put pressure onAustria if it
joinedtheallianceofDanubestates.AstotheHungarianrevolutionitself,hedidnotwant
to consider objective and subjective factors, but only sawbloody terror. In his letter to
BelaKun,hethusenergeticallyspokeoutagainst the introductionofasoviet republic in
Austriaandturneddownhis invitation tovisit theHungariansoviet republic. SeeBauer
1980n,p. 1056.Note that as foreignministerBauer secretly agreed toarmsdeliveries for
Czechoslovakiaagainst theHungarian republic,whichearnedhimaccusationsofbeing
a traitor to therevolution–seeHaas 1985,p. 134.Thisaccusationwasunjustified insofar
asBauerhadneverbeenanadvocateofRussian-stylerevolution.Hence,hedidnoteven
attempttodefendhimself,merelystatingthathedidnotbelieveintheenduranceof the
Hungariangovernment andexpected that aparliamentary systemandmixedeconomy
wouldsoonreplaceit.
58 Because theywere under the influence of the Social-Democratic leaders, the Austrian
workers’ councils rejectedthe ideaofaproletariandictatorship.Althoughtheyassumed
responsibility for someadministrative functionsandtookover the rolesof self-adminis-
trationandcontrolpoints, theyneverbecameindependentadministrativeorgansof the
state.While they allowedworkers for relatively far-reaching participation in economic
and social decision-making processes at company level, their influence upon general
political decisionswas simultaneously eliminated.A lawconcerning industrial councils
weakenedthesignificanceof theworkers’ councils inpolitical life.Theseorgansbecame
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Title
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Subtitle
- Thinker and Politician
- Author
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Publisher
- Brill
- Location
- Leiden
- Date
- 2017
- Language
- English
- License
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Size
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Pages
- 444
- Keywords
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Category
- Biographien