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Bauer’sposition intheargumentondictatorshipwas less thanclear.When
protestingagainstAdler’ssuggestiontointegratethedemandforaproletarian
dictatorship into theprogramme,hearguedthat ‘oneshouldnot try to tellus
thatdictatorshipand terrorismare twoentirelydifferent things’.73Appealing
toEngels’s renownedcritiqueof theErfurtprogrammeof 1891,heemphasised
that democracy and dictatorship were not opposites in principle, yet they
hadbecomeopposites due toBolshevik political practice (we shall assess to
whatextenthebelievedinthisstatement later). Inanycase, thedebateabout
termswas secondary for Bauer – hewas farmore preoccupiedwith finding
a compromise thatwouldunite the right and leftwings of theparty. Byway
of suchacompromise, he confinedhimself to stating that in the transitional
phase between capitalism and socialism, the proletarian dictatorship ought
toassumethe formofadictatorshipofallworkingpeople, i.e. the ruleof the
workingmajorityoverthebourgeoisie,exerciseddemocratically.
Whenarguingagainst theuseof force,Bauerremindedtheparty leftof the
RussianCivilWar.Forhim, theonly legitimate formofviolencewasdefensive
violence to protect the democratic foundations of the state.74 The reasons
as towhyhe demanded that the rhetoric of ‘defensive violence’ be adopted
into the programme were, firstly, his desire to reconcile the two opposing
positionssoastonotjeopardisepartyunity.Secondly,hefearedtheriseofanti-
democraticforceswhich,infact,hadbeguntoundermineAustriandemocracy
since 1923.75 The phrase ‘defensive violence’ communicated that the party
wouldnotabandonthestruggleforstatepowerduringpeacefulperiods–and
if thebourgeoisparties attackeddemocracy, itwould introduceaproletarian
dictatorship.76 The formula justified the use of force only for the case that
the bourgeois government jeopardised the reformist road. Dictatorshipwas
73 Seesdap1926inDocuments,Programmes,Protocols,p.271.
74 KarlPopperalsoespousedthisview.SeePopper1945,p. 152.
75 VolpiandPfabiganpointedoutthat theformulaof ‘defensiveviolence’hadbeenpresent
inBauer’swork longbefore thepartycongressofLinz.AccordingtoVolpi, itwasalready
implicitinhistext, ‘DieGrundfrageunsererTaktik’(‘TheFundamentalQuestionConcern-
ingOurTactics’)and,accordingtoPfabigan, inhis 1920polemicagainstBolshevism.See
Bauer1913;Volpi 1977,p. 184;Pfabigan1985,p.46.
76 The programme contained the following statement: ‘But if the bourgeoisie resists the
social transformation thatwill be the taskof theworking class throughplanned sabot-
ageofeconomiclife,violentinsurgency,orconspiracywithforeigncounter-revolutionary
forces, then theworking classwouldbe compelled tobreak the resistanceof thebour-
geoisiebymeansofdictatorship’–seesdap1926,p.176.TheenemiesofSocialDemocracy
oftencitedthissentenceintheirpoliticalpropaganda.
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Title
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Subtitle
- Thinker and Politician
- Author
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Publisher
- Brill
- Location
- Leiden
- Date
- 2017
- Language
- English
- License
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Size
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Pages
- 444
- Keywords
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Category
- Biographien