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fascismwasnotaresultofthebalanceofclassforcesineitherItalyorGermany,
as by 1920 the working class in both countries was already too weak to be
able to resist a bourgeois counter-revolution.After 1920, thebourgeoisie had
no reason to fear a revolution – evenBauer conceded this in 1936. Nor is it
possible to explain the fascist offensive simplyby citing the economic crisis,
giventhat fascisminbothcountriesonlyseizedpowerwhentheeffectsof the
crisis hadwaned. To this day,many different theories are offered as towhy
fascismmanaged to captivatemillions of people and prevail. It is certainly
not a terriblemistake to assume that fascismwas the result of a cacophony
of economic, political and social factors, ofwhicheconomic crises, the crisis
ofbourgeoisvaluesandbourgeoisculture,andthecrisisof theparliamentary
democraticsystemweredecisive.
2.2 AustrofascismasaSpecialSub-VarietyofFascism
Intheearly1930s,Austria’sMarxistorganisationsdidnotinitiallypayanygreat
attention to the fascisisation of its own country. One can put this down to
objectivepoliticalandideologicalconditions: for thebroadmasses, thepolar-
isationbetweenthetwofascistcurrentswasbarelyrecognisable,andtheinter-
ferenceoftheHeimwehrinthestateapparatusincreasedgradually.Thelackof
interestinfascismwasanideologicalweaknessthatunderminedtheprogram-
maticpositionsofbothCommunistsandSocialDemocrats.TheCommunists
didnotundertakeanytheoreticalanalysisofthefascistphenomenon.Instead,
theyconfinedthemselvestothethesisof‘socialfascism’,accordingtowhichthe
opportunistpoliticsofSocialDemocracywerepartlytoblameforthefascisisa-
tionofAustria.Althoughthereisnodoubtingtheone-sided,narrownatureof
theirpositions,theCommunists’evaluationoftheSocialDemocrats’strategies
wasneverthelessaccurate.Bauer’sconceptofthe‘defensiveroleofforce’,which
in1926becameofficialpartypolicy,permittedtheuseofrevolutionaryviolence
onlywhencivilrightsandpoliticallibertiesweredrasticallyinfringed.Violence
wasreservedfortheworst-casescenario–i.e.anultimateattackondemocracy
inthecourseofwhichbasicrightswereabolished.Howtheworkingclassand
itspartyshouldapproachasituationinwhichanti-democraticforcesgradually
conqueredstatepowerdidnotformpartofBauer’s reflections.
Bauer’sviewsonthefascisisationofAustria from1926–32arecharacterised
byhisunswervingbelief in theability of democracy todefend itself andpre-
vail through its intrinsicmechanisms.Asmentionedearlier, his statement at
the1927congressconcerningthepossibilityofa fascistdictatorshipinAustria
andtheabilityoftheworkingclasstoresistwasoptimistic.Bynomeansdowe
wish to imply thatBauer failed to takenoticeof thegrowing influenceof the
Heimwehrinthestateapparatus.Onthecontrary, in1927,hespokeoutagainst
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Title
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Subtitle
- Thinker and Politician
- Author
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Publisher
- Brill
- Location
- Leiden
- Date
- 2017
- Language
- English
- License
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Size
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Pages
- 444
- Keywords
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Category
- Biographien