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inhis appraisal of fascismandwasweigheddownbycontradictions.His art-
icle, ‘UmdieDemokratie’ (‘ForDemocracy’), was an example of this: on the
onehand,headmittedthatthecrisishadpushedthewearyworkingclassonto
the defensive andhad incapacitated it fromdefending democracy.45On the
other,heexpectedtheproletariat towinover thepettybourgeoisieandpeas-
antry,whoweredividedbetweenthedemocraticandconservativewingsofthe
ChristianSocialParty,tothedefenceofthedemocraticstateorder.46Moreover,
thearticletestifiedtohiserroneousdiagnosisofthepoliticalsituation, includ-
inghismisjudgementof the two fascistmovements.47 There is nootherway
toexplainwhyhefearedthat thetwocurrentsmightmerge.Similarly,Bauer’s
support forDollfuss’semergencyregulationsagainst theNaziswasnotpartic-
ularlywell thought out. Given that the government’s plans in 1933were not
exactlya secret, itwouldhavebeeneasy topredict that the same lawswould
soonalsobeusedagainstMarxists.Weshall refrain fromfocusingonBauer’s
publications from 1933–4 in detail, as they are rather unfruitful for our pur-
poses.Tosummarise,BauerdidnotbelievethatAustrofascismcouldwin,right
upuntilthedefeatoftheFebruaryuprising.48Withoutwishingtoprovideajus-
tification forhisneglect, it is certainly thecase that the fascistphenomenon,
whichwasnotoneofBauer’smainareasof studyat the time, caughthimby
surprise.
From 1934–8, after thedemise of democracy, Bauer attempted ananalysis
ofAustrofascism that contained theoretical elements. It is therefore justified
to call it a theory ofAustrofascism.Aheadof our appraisal, let us recall that
Bauerconsistentlyviewed fascismasanationalphenomenon,and that there
weretwomainreasons forhishostility towardsAustrofascism: first,Dollfuss’s
insistence onAustrian independence,whichwas irreconcilablewithBauer’s
45 SeeBauer1980u,p.304.
46 Commentingonthisproposal,Hanischwrites: ‘Whathe[Bauer]overlooked,however, is
howdeeplyimbuedtheaversionagainstparties,parliament,andthereforeagainstdemo-
cracy had already become in thementality and collective feelings of the population’ –
Hanisch2011,p.293.
47 The Heimwehr aspired to gain a political position in the state. Themain goal of the
NationalSocialists,ontheotherhand,wastheannexationofAustriatotheGermanReich.
KöstenpointedoutthenaivetyofBauer’sapproachatthetimeinKösten1984,p.203.
48 Heputhispositionveryclearly: ‘Inthelongterm,thesituationoftheAustrofascistdictat-
orshipisthereforeforlorn.Itwilleitherdismantleitself,seektocometoanunderstanding
withtheworkingclass,capitulatebeforetheworkingclass,ortheworkingclasswillover-
throwit.Theobjectiveconditionsofitsoverthrowwillbecreatedbythemechanismofits
development’ (ourtranslation)–Bauer1980y,p.418.
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Title
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Subtitle
- Thinker and Politician
- Author
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Publisher
- Brill
- Location
- Leiden
- Date
- 2017
- Language
- English
- License
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Size
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Pages
- 444
- Keywords
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Category
- Biographien