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questionarepolarised.99 Itwasanauthoritariandictatorshipthatdisregarded
any rule of law; itwasbasedonanarrowgroupof powerful individuals sup-
portingeachotherandemployingmeansof force(policeandthearmy),yet it
wasdoubtlesslynot a totalitariandictatorship. It neverdegenerated intoone
ruler’spowerover themindsandsoulsof thepopulation,norwasthis itspur-
pose.Rather,theregimewasinterestedinkeepingindividualsandsocialgroups
inlineforthepriceofrestrictingandinfringingtheirpolitical, social,andcivil
liberties.It isworthhighlightingthatthe‘corporativestate’wasunabletofunc-
tion inpracticeanddidnotabolish theexistingsocial antagonisms.AsKluge
alsostated, thesystemsawtheprofessionalsectorgroupssharplycollidewith
the government and Fatherland Front.100 TheCatholic Church sustained its
positionandorganisation,andtheCatholicworkers’movementenjoyedfree-
dominthecorporativestate.TheNazis tooinfluencedthestate’spoliticaland
economic silhouette. The real victim of the authoritarian regimewas, con-
sistentlywith the intentionsof its founders, the socialistworkers’movement,
whichitdeprivedofallandanylegalinstitutionstodefenditsinterests.Among
otherreasons, thiswaspossiblebecausetheparliamentarydemocraticsystem
in itself does not offer sufficient protection fromattacks by anti-democratic
forces if political parties are not genuinelywilling to democratise social life.
TheexampleofAustrianSocialDemocracy,whichwas influential in 1930and
lostanypracticalsignificancein1934, illustratesthispointsuccinctly.
The liquidation of the legal party fundamentally weakened the workers’
movement,evenifitdidnotmeanacompleteabandonmentofstruggleonthe
partof theAustrianSocialDemocrats just yet.An illegal organisationnamed
RevolutionarySocialists(rs)wasformedontheinitiativeoftheformereditors
of theArbeiter-Zeitung, Pollack andLeichter.101 In spite of existing program-
matic and generational differences, it considered itself the successor to the
oldparty.102 That being said, itwasunable towin the support of themasses
99 See Steiner 2004, pp. 33–133, where the author illustrates various classifications of the
Austrianregimereflectedintheworksofmanypostwarandcontemporaryhistoriansand
political scientists – suchasBotz,Hanisch, Bracher,Gulick,Clemenz,Holtmann,Talos,
Hozer,Carsten,Nolte, Payne, Ludwig,Reichhold, andhisown(2004, pp. 133–293)–and
pointsouttheirdifferences.
100 SeeKluge1984,p.87.
101 In 1933,Communistundergroundcircles influencedby ‘NeuBeginnen’emerged,e.g. the
groupsFunke,RoteFront,andWeisselwereborn.
102 Rennerwas particularly hostile to the emergence of the party. Hewas convinced that
illegal resistancewas futile anddismissed thersasamergerof left socialists andCom-
munistsasopposedtothesdap’sheirs.SeeHannak1965,p.625.
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Title
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Subtitle
- Thinker and Politician
- Author
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Publisher
- Brill
- Location
- Leiden
- Date
- 2017
- Language
- English
- License
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Size
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Pages
- 444
- Keywords
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Category
- Biographien