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Gergely was not alone among the sevenpermanent professors (in 1918) to
hold important social and political positons beyond the walls of the school.
Szatm#r,however,wasrelativelyclosetoMaramures‚,aneighboringcounty,and
this proximity certainly made his co-optation swifter. For example, his two
colleagueswho came to SighetulMarmat‚iei fromHungary proper were never
invitedtoplaysimilarrolesinanylocalassociation,whilehisfellowSzatm#rian,
J#nosL#nyialsogotelectedtothepermanentcommitteeofthecountyandtothe
citycouncil.28
Adifferent pattern is, however, discernible among themorenumerous sec-
ondary education teachers, whose geographic originwasmoremixed, too.Of
seventeenteachersin1918only twowereoflocalorigin,andthreewerefromthe
neighboring counties. Although themost prestigious among themwas P8ter
Juh#sz,borninSighetulMarmat‚iei in1873,practicallyall theothersfoundtheir
way into localprofessional, cultural, andeconomicassociations, andsixoutof
theeightwhoheldpoliticalpositionswere fromwithout thecounty.29
But firmcontrol over the local institutionswas only one factor behind this
peculiarpowercontext,anditwouldhavebeeninsufficientalonetopreservethe
dominant roleof thenoble clans. Itwas the supportof the central government
thatwasnecessary for theperpetuationoftheirdominance,andtheMaramures‚
elite, just like their counterparts in other counties of the region that is today
Karpatho-Ukraine, used a strategy that resembled colonial relations. It was a
consciousstrategy,basedondetaching–asmuchasitwaspossible–local from
nationalpolitics.Atthenationallevelthelocalelitethatwascapabletodeliverthe
votes fromtheregion,alwaysaligned itselfwiththegoverningparty, regardless
ofwhateveritspoliticalorientationwas.Thelocaleliteusually invitedoneortwo
prominentpoliticians,prospectiveministersorstatesecretaries,torepresentthe
SighetulMarmat‚iei constituency,while theotherMembers ofParliamentwere
selected from the local noble families. The Lord Lieutenant, nominally the
representative of the government also always had local roots, and in 1917 the
local newspaper explicitly called it a lasting tradition that all previousgovern-
ments observed.30Romanianshada firmpositionwithin this settlement. They
were usually eligible for the role ofMembers of Parliament aligned with the
28 Am#ramarosszigetiref.Lyceumjogakad8mia,fo˝gimn#zium8sintern#tus8rtes&to˝jeaz1916–
17-es tan8vro˝l, M#ramaroszsiget 1917; Am#ramarosszigeti ref. Lyceum jogakad8mia, fo˝-
gimn#zium 8s intern#tus 8rtes&to˝je az 1917–1918-as tan8vro˝l, M#ramarossziget 1918; A
m#ramarosszigeti ref. Lyceum jogakad8mia, fo˝gimn#zium 8s intern#tus 8rtes&to˝je 1918–
1919-es tan8vro˝l,M#ramarossziget1919.
29 A m#ramarosszigeti ref. Lyceum jogakad8mia, fo˝gimn#zium 8s intern#tus 8rtes&to˝je az
1917–1918-as tan8vro˝l.
30 Cieger,Prdekek8sstrat8gi#k(seenote20),p. 90,100;Azfflj fo˝isp#nM#ramarosszigeten, in:
M#ramaros (22 July1917)58.p. 1.
GáborEgry342
Österreich-Ungarns imperiale Herausforderungen
Nationalismen und Rivalitäten im Habsburgerreich um 1900
- Titel
- Österreich-Ungarns imperiale Herausforderungen
- Untertitel
- Nationalismen und Rivalitäten im Habsburgerreich um 1900
- Autoren
- Wolfram Dornik
- Bernhard Bachinger
- Stephan Lehnstaedt
- Verlag
- V&R unipress GmbH
- Datum
- 2020
- Sprache
- deutsch
- Lizenz
- CC BY 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-3-7370-1060-3
- Abmessungen
- 15.5 x 23.2 cm
- Seiten
- 362
- Schlagwörter
- KUK, K.U.K, Habsburg, Monarchie, Österreich-Ungarn
- Kategorien
- Geschichte Vor 1918