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government party and held high-level positions within the county admin-
istration. Romanians were important for the local nobility because of their
significant role in theRomanianGreekCatholic church, too.TheMihalis from
Aps‚a (Apsa) sentMembers of Parliament to Budapest (Tivadar/Teodor, P8ter/
Petru)andalsogaveanarchbishoptothechurchinthepersonofVictorMihali.31
The ‘deal,’ therefore, brought mutual advantages. In exchange for parlia-
mentarysupportandpublic alignmentwith thegovernment’spolitics the local
eliteretainedcontrolovertheadministrationandtheallocationanddistribution
ofresources.Withinthisframeworktherewasnoplacetoexpressdeviationfrom
the national politics,Maramures‚ county and its congregation supported rhet-
orically thebuildingofaunitary,modern,Hungariannationstate.Butwithinthe
county it rather meant the stability of a pre-modern elite that could rely on
material and political support from Budapest while pursuing its local goals.
Maramures‚eliteshadtoperformself-submissiontothecenter,butwereleftwith
a freehandwithin theirmuchsmaller realm.32
Buttherealstrengthofthisarrangementwasrevealedafter thedissolutionof
theMonarchy.WhentheRomaniantroopsarrivedatMaramures‚,andafter they
declaredthesovereigntyof theKingofRomania, thecenter-periphery relations
wereshaken.Although,forawhile, thelocal institutionsandfigurestriednotto
severeconnectionswithBudapest, it turnedout tobeanimpossible task.State-
owned institutionswere transferred to the Romanian state that imposed new
ruleswithin,while theCalvinistschools lost theirstatesubsidies thateffectively
keptthemabovewaterbefore1918.Duetovariousreasons–mostofthemrather
pettyandpersonalones–authoritiesfinallyclosedtheCalvinisthighschooland
theAcademyofLawandthe latterwas relocatedtoHungary.33
But behind the facade of quick and sweepingRomanianization, the former
arrangementsheldupsurprisinglywell.Thebasis for suchanoutcomewas the
continuingholdof the local elite ontheadministration.This continuationwas
relativelyeasybecauseof the integrationofGreekCatholicsprior to1918.Most
of thepublic servantsof thecounty in1925werepublicofficials alreadybefore
1918, althoughsometime theychanged theirnames tomoreRomanian-sound-
31 OvidiuEmilIudean,BetweenNationalSolidarityandLocalInterests.ThePro-Governmental
PoliticalOrientationoftheRomaniansinHungary(theEndofthe19thCenturytheBeginning
ofthe20thCentury), in:KonstantinosBratanis/DimitrisDranidis/PavlosKoktsidis/Lambros
Lazouras/EftychiaNikolaidou(ed.),InfusingResearchandKnowledgeinSouthEastEurope.
7th annual SouthEast EuropeanDoctoral StudentCoferece, Thessaloniki 2012, p. 873–887.
32 Cieger,Prdekek8s strat8gi#k(seenote20),p. 100.
33 N#ndor B#rdi, Otthon 8s haza. Tanulm#nyok a rom#niai magyars#g tört8net8bo˝l, Cs&ks-
zereda2014,p. 91–95;Balogh,Am#ramarosszigeti (seenote26);ArhiveleNat‚ionaleSect‚ia
Judet‚eana˘Maramures‚, LiceulReformatdinSighet (ANSJMM).
RegionalElites,NationalistPolitics, LocalAccommodations 343
Österreich-Ungarns imperiale Herausforderungen
Nationalismen und Rivalitäten im Habsburgerreich um 1900
- Titel
- Österreich-Ungarns imperiale Herausforderungen
- Untertitel
- Nationalismen und Rivalitäten im Habsburgerreich um 1900
- Autoren
- Wolfram Dornik
- Bernhard Bachinger
- Stephan Lehnstaedt
- Verlag
- V&R unipress GmbH
- Datum
- 2020
- Sprache
- deutsch
- Lizenz
- CC BY 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-3-7370-1060-3
- Abmessungen
- 15.5 x 23.2 cm
- Seiten
- 362
- Schlagwörter
- KUK, K.U.K, Habsburg, Monarchie, Österreich-Ungarn
- Kategorien
- Geschichte Vor 1918