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fromarchdukeFranzFerdinand,oreventheAustromarxistnationalautonomy
proposals.Itisalsotellingthatsincethelastyearsofthe19thcenturyimperialand
provincial legislationtriedtoaddress the imperialcrises, too,withextensionof
suffrage,orwith theprovincial compromises.62
Hungarywasoftennotpartof theseplansbecauseof itsuniquepositionand
unitarycharacterthattheHungarianelitewasnotyetreadytoabandon,andnor
had it seen anymeaningful legislation to reduce the growing social tensions.
Nevertheless, these political attempts that aimed at reconfiguring center-pe-
riphery relationswithin the countrywerebound to the crisis. TheMaramures‚
modelaimedatpreservingafinebalancewithinamulti-ethnicnobility inorder
to eliminatenational conflict, and it achieved this aimwithwell-proven, tradi-
tionalmeans.Theothertwoattempts,however,atleast inpart,werereactionsto
the challenges posed by the nationalmovements and the failures ofmodern-
ization.Thereforetheydidnotrelyonthetraditionsofasocietystillshapedbyits
feudal legacy; rather, they tried to inventnewmodelsofcenter-periphery rela-
tions.
But even though, just like in Cisleithania, they have grown out of national
conflict, their goalswereverydifferent.Regionalists inTransylvania andHun-
garian leaders inBras‚ovdidnot aimat securingor extending the rights of the
nationalities or establishing national autonomy. Their concernwas quite dif-
ferent– thatof thepreservationofHungariandominancewithinHungary.The
peculiarityofthesecasesliesexactlyinthischaracteristic,astheywantedtorelax
theunitarynatureoftheHungariannationstateinordertopreserveitsnational
character.Or, to put itmoreprovocatively: while inCisleithania reform ideas
tended to promote a nationalization of the empire, in Hungary rather dis-
mantlingof anddissociation from thenation statewas their trend.Givenhow
muchthesuccessorstateshavestruggledwithsimilarproblems,andhowoften
they employed the samemethods (and sometimes even the same people) to
resolve these problems, at least temporarily, Hungary’s experiment with its
center-periphery relations can be understood as a precursor for the post-
Habsburgquasi-ormini-empires.63
Thethreecasesoffer important lessons for thosewhowishtograspAustria-
Hungaryasan imperialunity, aswell.Whileneitherof thesecaseshas revealed
top-down transmission of the imperial ideas, they still speak of an imperial
characterofHungary–thecomponentstateoftheHabsburgEmpirethatisoften
62 Heir/Wimmer,Isnationalismthecause(seenote3);Judson,TheHabsburgEmpire(seenote
2); Börries Kuzmany, Habsburg Austria: Experiments in Non-Territorial Autonomy, in:
Ethnopolitics 15/1 (2016),p. 43–65.
63 Judson,TheHabsburgEmpire(seenote2);G#borEgry,Etnicit#s,identit#s,politika.Magyra
kisebbs8gek nacionalizmus 8s regionalizmus között Rom#ni#ban 8s Csehszlov#ki#ban
1918–1944,Budapest2015.
GáborEgry352
Österreich-Ungarns imperiale Herausforderungen
Nationalismen und Rivalitäten im Habsburgerreich um 1900
- Titel
- Österreich-Ungarns imperiale Herausforderungen
- Untertitel
- Nationalismen und Rivalitäten im Habsburgerreich um 1900
- Autoren
- Wolfram Dornik
- Bernhard Bachinger
- Stephan Lehnstaedt
- Verlag
- V&R unipress GmbH
- Datum
- 2020
- Sprache
- deutsch
- Lizenz
- CC BY 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-3-7370-1060-3
- Abmessungen
- 15.5 x 23.2 cm
- Seiten
- 362
- Schlagwörter
- KUK, K.U.K, Habsburg, Monarchie, Österreich-Ungarn
- Kategorien
- Geschichte Vor 1918