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engage âethnic minority communitiesâ in the political process. The deliberations led
to the sanctioning of a multiracial, multicultural approach that recognised different
ethnic communities and needs in society.
What followed were policies that emphasised the importance of âdifferent cultur-
al backgrounds in determining peopleâs identityâ and the necessity to âengage with
community groups on this basisâ.40 A shift was occurring in the public space, moving
away from the âliberal tradition of dealing with people in a âcolour-blindâ wayâ and to-
wards âdifferential treatment according to their cultural identitiesâ.41 Equality would
now require cultural recognition and respect. For âa personâs cultureâ not to be âaf-
firmed and given statusâ would be âconsidered to be a denial of equalityâ.42 The ideas
of Charles Taylor had found their home in the British policies of difference.
Gradually, local and national authorities adopted and moulded a range of services
to accommodate the supposedly different needs of citizens and clients all across soci-
ety. Over time, the nation has established ethnic housing associations and healthcare,
arts and cultural along with voluntary support, radio channels, public broadcasting,
and policing units, all based on ethnicity.43 Ethnic and cultural groups were encour-
aged to make demands based on their differences and cultural exclusion from the
mainstream. Their ability to access resources from the public purse was often de-
pendent on their being unfairly disadvantaged because of their âdifferenceâ. Slowly
but steadily, over the decades, ethnically and culturally specific lobbying groups have
emerged, âeach arguing their own corner for more money, resources and support for
their particular identityâ.44
As some of my interviewees recounted, the outcome has been the demarcation of
people into visible cultural and religious âcommunitiesâ headed by state-picked com-
munity âleadersâ. The communities rub against and compete with each other, living
apart, looking at each other with suspicion, if not hatred.
In fact, Britain inaugurated a multicultural policy that in reality imposed a religious
identity on communities (plural) and inadvertently facilitated the creation of a Muslim
community (singular): an invented community, not an imagined one, to use Benedict
Andersonâs term.45 As a government creation, this invented community did not to
celebrate diversity within a British context; instead, a group of loud Islamists was el-
evated as community leaders. They did not represent the majority within their com-
munities. Several people I interviewed, people knowledgeable about political Islam
and extremism in Britain, emphasised this point. The community did not choose these
so-called leaders, nor did the leaders, at the time, enjoy the support of the members.
40 Mirza/Senthikumaran/Jaâfar 2007, 23.
41 Mirza/Senthikumaran/Jaâfar 2007, 23.
42 Mirza/Senthikumaran/Jaâfar 2007, 24.
43 Mirza/Senthikumaran/Jaâfar 2007, 24.
44 Mirza/Senthikumaran/Jaâfar 2007, 24.
45 Anderson 1991.
JRFM
Journal Religion Film Media, Band 02/01
- Titel
- JRFM
- Untertitel
- Journal Religion Film Media
- Band
- 02/01
- Autoren
- Christian Wessely
- Daria Pezzoli-Olgiati
- Herausgeber
- Uni-Graz
- Verlag
- SchĂŒren Verlag GmbH
- Ort
- Graz
- Datum
- 2016
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC 4.0
- Abmessungen
- 14.8 x 21.0 cm
- Seiten
- 132
- Kategorien
- Zeitschriften JRFM