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161 noting that 29 musicians from Elite-2 (or 75 % of this generation) were already pres- ent in the field, all concentrated in a single block. Figure 8.2b, c reveal details of interactions between trajectory types. Shooting Star-2 musicians (Cluster 42) came to dominate the interactions in both periods. In view of the fact that Shooting Star musicians experienced short periods at the core, my findings suggest that in parallel to the institutionalization of swing most interac- tions were articulated by players with lower permanence in the network. It is also worth noting that despite the concentration of all Elite-2 musicians in the same block (as pointed out for Fig. 8.1c) they were not cohesive as a trajectory type (Fig. 8.2c). As a possible interim interpretation, I suggest that their relationships during this period were not best captured within the phonographic industry, but in more informal, less commercial, uncoupled locations such as jam sessions and night clubs (Becker, 2004). The Bop/Cool Era: 1945 to 1960 Peterson and Anand (2002) note that by the mid-1940s a new Federal Communication Commission (FCC) regulation had broken the monopoly held by the major radio stations. Furthermore, in 1948 there was a second musicians’ strike in the U.S. recording industry, leading to a general decline in recording sessions (see Fig. 8.5). The emergence of television networks also impacted the radio industry. Companies shifted their advertising budgets toward television, causing the radio networks to view smaller and local radio stations as unattractive. Both factors—the end of the radio stations’ monopoly and the emergence of television networks—led to the sale of licenses to local entrepreneurs. As a result, a flood of new licenses were issued to local radio stations, which had few resources to invest in live shows. Instead, they played albums published by small recording companies, increasing the diversity of styles reaching the public (Peterson & Anand, 2002, p. 268). With this change, pro- moters of new styles were able to challenge the dominance of established musi- cians. It is worth noting that when the number of recording sessions did once again increase again the strike (see 1950 in Fig. 8.5), New York and Los Angles were unable to retain the geographic concentration they had held during World War II. In the mid-1950s this picture changed as young America embraced rock. Jazz as an embracing paradigm lost touch with a large share of the American audience, resulting in its loss of dominance to rock music in the sales charts published in Billboard magazine. In spite of these changes, demand for jazz recording sessions was still rising at the end of the 1950s (see Fig. 8.5). Although the New York scene did remain stable, most of the growth came from Los Angeles and European-based recording sessions (see Fig. 8.3). These changes in the industry and the demograph- ics of jazz musicians accelerated the shift from the normative to the competitive configuration. To be sure, relationships across periods were reasonably stable (see Table 8.5, correlations were around 0.4). Furthermore, an examination of the field’s block- 8 Trajectory Types Across Network Positions: Jazz Evolution from 1930 to 1969
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Knowledge and Networks
Titel
Knowledge and Networks
Autoren
Johannes Glückler
Emmanuel Lazega
Ingmar Hammer
Verlag
Springer Open
Ort
Cham
Datum
2017
Sprache
deutsch
Lizenz
CC BY 4.0
ISBN
978-3-319-45023-0
Abmessungen
15.5 x 24.1 cm
Seiten
390
Schlagwörter
Human Geography, Innovation/Technology Management, Economic Geography, Knowledge, Discourse
Kategorie
Technik
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