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244 A.Heslinet al. to thenationandareassociatedwithcheap,unskilled labor in thenationaldiscourse (Romero2006).The inclusionof thesemigrants ismeteredby thedegree towhich theyare seenascontributing to thenational economy(DeckardandBrowne2015). Thisrealityhasbecomesoanchoredinthehegemoniccommonsensethatacriminal- ityhasbeenconstructedaroundmigrantbodies,whicharephysicallypresentwhile economically surplus (Gunkel andGonzálezWahl 2012). To the degree towhich migrantsareseenascostingmoneyintermsofsocialbenefitsoruseofpublicgoods, theyareviewedasmembersofanout-group.Conversely, to theextent that theyare perceived to work effectively and contribute to the general economic well-being, they are seen asmeritorious of inclusion in national communities (Armenta 2017; Golash-BozaandParker2007). The discourse aroundmigrant labor is similar in other wealthy nations—most notablytheconstructionoftheAfricaninWesternEurope.Similartothepushfactors propellingLatino immigrants to theUnitedStates, thehomecountry realitiesof the Frenchsanspapiersvaryintheircombinationofenvironmentaldegradation,conflict, economichardshipandcorruption.Also,similarlyundocumentedmigrantstoFrance exist in the intersticesofsurplus laborandcriminal (Schaap2011). Insharpcontrast totheextensivepositiveattentiongiventomethodsofincorporationforrefugeesand legalmigrants—thosewhohavebeengivenpermission to reside in thenationonly so longas theyperformworkexplicitly required inorder tomeetnationaleconomic goals—anyneedtointegratetheeconomicallysurplusgeneratedbyglobalchallenges has, apparently, beenaddressedwith theirwidespreadcriminalisation. Inaddition to theflowsofvoluntarymigrants internallyandinternationally,mass events, suchasnaturaldisasters, canabruptlydisplace those living inaspace,often enmasse.Whensuchlargeandsuddendisplacementsoccur,governmentsfacelogis- tical and political challenges inmanaging the flowof people internally and across international borders. In this process, the displaced can seek asylum, often settling temporarily in refugeecamps,beginningaprolonged, indefinite stateof transience. Understanding theroleandstructureof therefugeecampisan importantcompo- nent of environmentalmigration, as refugee camps represent the political response tomassdisplacement,aspossiblethroughlargescalenaturaldisasters.Throughsuch events, aswell as large scale conflicts, displaced populations can flow into neigh- bouringcountriesatrates,whichexceedtheeconomic,political,orsocialcapacityor willingnessofthereceivingcountrytoaccommodate.Thestructureofthecampitself speaks to its roots inpolitical expediency for thehost country.Following theestab- lished provisions in the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and 1967Protocol, tomaintaincredibilityglobally, countries face internationalpressure to respond tomassdisplacement (Black2001). Therefugeecampthusarisesoutof the juxtapositionof theinternationalpressure toactcharitably towards thoseinneed anda state’s inclination tokeep“spaceanddistance” fromthe refugees themselves (Hyndman2000). In addressing the losses anddamages of environmental displacement, onemust engagewith the realities of the refugee camp. Rather than initiating a process of assimilation, the camp inherently exists as a spaceofprolonged temporality,which serves toexclude refugees’participation in theeconomicandsocial activitiesof the