Seite - 80 - in Mobile Culture Studies - The Journal, Band 3/2017

80 Mobile Culture Studies. The Journal 3 2o17 Samantha Wilkinson, Catherine Wilkinson | Night-Life and Young People’s Atmospheric Mobilities consumption. After this, we outline the study’s methodology. Before concluding, we present data surrounding two main themes: alcohol-related vehicular mobilities, and atmospheres of club space. Young People’s Im/Mobilities Recent work within the ‘mobile turn’ makes clear that young urbanites are of an age where mobility is crucial in order to take advantage of the resources, recreation and sociality offered by urbanscapes (Skelton 2013). Skelton and Gough (2013) proclaim that this is an important aspect of ‘growing up’ and identity formation. When alcohol-related mobilities have been considered in the literature, often the ‘immaterial’ embodied and sensory aspects have been marginalised. For instance, Gannon et al. (2014) focuses on drink walking; that is, walking in a public place whilst intoxicated. According to the authors, it is commonplace for young people to have con- sumed alcohol in bars and clubs, and to walk to their next destination – or, to pre-drink at home and walk to a bar/club/pub or party to continue consuming alcohol. Gannon et al. (2014) utilise the theory of planned behaviour, based on the premise that people make rational deci- sions to perform a behaviour that is within their control. This theoretical framework predicts that a person would have stronger intentions to drink walk, and ultimately s/he would be more likely to drink walk if: s/he has positive attitudes towards drink walking; perceives approval/ support from important others for drink walking; and believes drink walking is a behaviour that is easy to perform. However, as Spinney (2009, 821) questions: “what about the intangible and ephemeral, the meanings that accrue in the context of the journey itself?” There is a rich literature on the embodied experiences of vehicular travel, which opens up possibilities for the study of young people’s alcohol-related mobilities. For instance, Bis- sell (2014) draws on not-so-representational understandings of bodies to explore how stress has an ambivalent and complex constitution through the ways in which everyday practices of commuting are implicated in processes of bodily transformation. Additionally, car travel has been explored as an embodied and emotional experience. Sheller (2004) documents the wide range of feelings elicited from cars; these include: the pleasurable experience of driving, the outburst of ‘road rage’, the exhilaration of speed, and the security engendered by driving a ‘safe car’. Consequently, Sheller (2004, 221) coins the term “automotive emotions” to refer to the “embodied disposition of car-users and the visceral and other feelings associated with car use”. This coincides with Sheller and Urry’s (2006) contention that means of travel is not only a way of getting as quickly as possible from ‘A to B’; each means provides different experiences, performances and affordances. Researchers have also begun to pay attention to the emotional and embodied experiences of dancing mobilities (Boyd, 2014). For instance, Merriman (2010) argues that dance is a pro- cessual, embodied movement practice that brings about transformations in movement space. Further, Jones (2005, 814) labels dancing “physically intense and emotionally charged”. By taking into consideration the embodied, emotional and affective dimensions of dance, Thrift (1997) argues that one can move away from a negative understanding, whereby the body only has the capacity to be elusive. That is, it can avoid compliance with social controls, to an un- derstanding of the body as a body-subject, with the capacity to jointly configure numerous different realms of experience. According to Thrift (1997), the elusive expressive power of the