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90 Mobile Culture Studies. The Journal 3 2o17 Samantha Wilkinson, Catherine Wilkinson | Night-Life and Young People’s Atmospheric Mobilities contention made by Tutenges (2015). The author argues that proximity intensifies the interac- tion between bodies. In the context of bar crawls, the author states that, to be amongst a large group of people, is an experience not incomparable to the effects of consuming drugs (Tutenges 2015). Here Tutenges (2015) is alluding to the way in which a group of people can transform the atmosphere of a pub / club space. As previously indicated, through participant observations, the researcher became attuned to the affective components of spaces (see Shaw 2014). More than this though, the researcher’s embodied experiences taught her that different assemblages had different outcomes. For in- stance, brighter lighting and unfamiliar music were not conducive to dancing mobilities, there- by producing different rhythms. This is explored in an excerpt from the first author’s field diary: Whilst low-lighting and up-beat popular music primed me and others to dance, I noticed that the dance floor became scarce when lighting was brighter, and when less pop- ular music was being played, leading some people to use this as a cue to go to the bar and get another drink (Field diary, 24/05/2014, night out with Evie, 24, and friends, from Chorlton, in city centre) As the above illustrates, rhythms of the clubspace are continuously open to change. Forsyth (2009) explores the role of music in the night-time economy, suggesting that it can alter moods and behaviour. According to Forsyth (2009), an emotional response elicited by hearing a fami- liar song may encourage increased spending at the bar on that occasion. However, participant observations show that young people are unlikely to leave the dance floor when familiar songs are being played. Rather, they use moments when unfamiliar, or unpopular, songs are being played to purchase drinks; less popular songs generate a different atmosphere, which are unsuit - able for dancing mobilities. Nonetheless, it can be seen that the atmosphere of club space, partially generated by music, has a key role to play in alcohol consumption at the micro-level. Some participants’ stories offer a counterpoint to other participant’s, and the researcher’s own embodied experiences, described previously, and to many of the findings in existing lite- rature, which contend that the affective atmospheres of pubs, bars and clubs have the ability to create a sense of “collective effervescence” (Tutenges 2015, 289). As Edensor and Sumartojo (2015) contend, atmospheres can be experienced in many different ways. This can be gleaned through Charlie’s comment below: In first and second year of uni I would be nervous sort of throughout the whole night, and like “maybe I need to drink more to get like the rest, to get like everybody else”, and it never really happened. I would like throw up in the morning, because I obviously had a lot [to drink], and would have a hangover, but I never really felt like I was in that zone, the same enjoyment that everyone else, my friends seemed to have (Charlie, 23, Chorlton, follow up interview) Whilst the literature has begun to grasp how bodies are affected by the atmospheres of club- spaces (Tan 2013), it has virtually ignored those for whom there is a discordance between their subjective feelings and the atmospheres. Charlie contends that, despite consuming large quan- tities of alcohol, to the extent that he experienced the unpleasant effects of vomiting the fol- lowing morning, and hangovers, he was not enveloped by the enjoyable atmosphere he saw