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divisiondidnot justweaken theworkers’movementof themonarchy; it also
ledtotenserelationshipsbetweentheSlavicpartiesandtheGerman-Austrian
party,withthelatterattemptingtopreserveitsprivilegedposition.Sufficeit to
say, this state of affairswasnot beneficial to resolving thenational question.
While the parties pushed it into the background, it becamemanifest in the
trade-unionmovement,despitethefactthattheunionswereorganisedaccord-
ing to trades rather than the national principle.64 Subsequent congresses of
the Second International in Amsterdam (1904), Stuttgart (1907) and Copen-
hagen (1910) sidedwith the sdap leadership in defending centralism in the
labourmovement. Regardless, thedisintegrationprocess in the tradeunions
deepened.65
Fearingthatnationalquarrelsmighterupt intotheopenandconsequently
lead to a terminal breakdownof alreadyweak organisational structures, the
sdapleadershipmadethelastattempt inthehistoryof themonarchytodraft
a complex national programme.66 This took place at the congress in Bern
from24–29September1899.ThesdapleadershipandtheSloveniansocialists
presentedtwodrafts todelegates.The leadershipproposedtogrant territorial
autonomy,butpreserveacentralisedstate,whereastheSloveniandraftdeman-
ded cultural autonomy according to the territorial principle.67 The adopted
programmereconciledbothpositionsinthatitconcedednationalandcultural
autonomyaccordingtotheterritorialprinciple,yetwithintheframeworkofa
federalstate. Infact, thedecisiontoadoptthisprinciplewassynonymouswith
sacrificingtherightofnations toself-determinationtopreserveunityandthe
inviolabilityof imperialborders.Theresolutiondidnotdefinetheauthorityof
localparliamentsandstatecouncilmoreclosely,anditwasdifficulttoconclude
joint representation in the state council, andbiannual congresses. See sdap 1897, p. 7;
Wasilewski 1907,p.71.
64 Atthe1896tradeunioncongress, theCzechsdemandedanindependentsecretariatwith
headquarters inPrague.Althoughtheirdemandwasrejectedat the time,national trade
unionswereoperatinginCzechiaandMoraviaasearlyas1906.CompareMommsen1963,
p.396.
65 CompareZimmermann1976,p.373.
66 It isdiscussedindetail inKonrad1977,pp. 198–200.
67 See Berchtold 1967, p. 145; sdap 1899, p. 75; and Kelles-Krauz 1903, p. 276. According
to Rauscher, ‘The demand to replace the old crown landswith nationally demarcated,
autonomousadministrativeunitsandtransformAustriaintoademocraticfederativestate
ofnationalitieswasnotnew.Norwas the rejectionof anofficial language. Theconcept
of ethnic federalismoriginated from the time of the 1848–9 revolution.Moreover, this
decidedly moderate political programmemeant that Austrian Social Democracy was
affirmativeoftheimperialconcept’ (ourtranslation)–Rauscher1995pp.46–7.
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Titel
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Untertitel
- Thinker and Politician
- Autor
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Verlag
- Brill
- Ort
- Leiden
- Datum
- 2017
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Abmessungen
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Seiten
- 444
- Schlagwörter
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Kategorie
- Biographien