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the ‘thirdway’ to socialism 179
heexpandedhis conceptofhegemony to include theeconomicandpolitical
spheresaswell.Moreover,herecognisedtheroleof force inseizingandmain-
tainingpower. In contrast, Bauer confined theconceptof cultural hegemony
to the intellectual sphere. ‘Thehegemonyof theworkingclassover thework-
ingpeople’, heclaimed, ‘can thereforenotbeadictatorshipof theproletariat
overthepetty-bourgeoisandpettypeasantmasses,butmerelytheintellectual
leadershipofthesemassesbythepartyoftheproletariat’(ourtranslation).21In
spiteof thisdifference,Gramsci’sandBauer’sunderstandingshadseveralele-
ments incommon,especially thebelief thatall revolutionary forceshadtobe
unitedundertheruleoftheworkingclassandthatanewtypeofsocietyhadto
beestablishedoncepoliticalpowerhadbeenseized.Furthermore, theyboth
conceivedofhegemonyasaprocessthatwouldtakeplacebeforeandafterthe
seizureofpowerandwasmoreakintoleadershipthandomination.
Ofcourse,Bauerwasawarethatthepoliticalpoweroftheproletariat inthe
parliamentarydemocratic systemwasnot synonymouswithclass rule. Inhis
view,democracyasa formofpoliticalorderallowedtheworkingclass togov-
ernbyvirtueoflegalentitlement.However,working-classrulewouldonlytruly
begin once the proletariat had seized economic sovereignty. This approach,
whichwas consistentwithMarx, ledBauer to conclude that the implement-
ation of socialist democracy – i.e. political and social democracy – would
determinetheendofthesocialistrevolution.Bauer’sconstructionprogramme
foranewsocialorder(towhichweshall returnwhenwediscusshis theoryof
thestatemorethoroughly)wasclearlyapparent inthishypothesis.Fornow, it
is imperative tostate thatBauer’sattempt todefine theprogrammatic found-
ationsofsocialismwasanambitiousanduniqueeffort intheSecondInterna-
tional.Quiteirrespectiveofhowonejudgesitscontents, it isstill remarkable–
moresobecausetheclassicalMarxistshadnotmadeanysucheffort.22
Bauer remained faithful tohisbelief in theparliamentary-democratic road
to socialismupuntil the victory of fascism. Thiswas shapednot only byhis
political beliefs, but also by news about the totalitarian facets of the Soviet
Union. Bauer never accepted the Russian form of proletarian revolution as
a universalmodel. LikeGramsci, he believed that the Soviet Russianmodel
was not applicable toWestern Europe, and thatmany differentways led to
21 ‘DieHegemonie derArbeiterklasse über das arbeitendeVolk kannhier also nicht eine
DiktaturdesProletariatsüberdiekleinbürgerlichenundkleinbäuerlichenMassenbedeu-
ten, sondernnurdiegeistigeFührungdieserMassendurchdieParteidesProletariats’ –
Bauer1976g,p.957.
22 CompareLeszekNowak’s interestingobservations inNowak1997,pp. 14–15.
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Titel
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Untertitel
- Thinker and Politician
- Autor
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Verlag
- Brill
- Ort
- Leiden
- Datum
- 2017
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Abmessungen
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Seiten
- 444
- Schlagwörter
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Kategorie
- Biographien