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the ‘thirdway’ to socialism 189
Neustadt and the industrial andmining areas of Upper Styria to the south;
GrazandLinzwere industrial areas in thecountryside thatwere surrounded
byagrarian areas.48As toAustria’s revolutionarypotential from 1918–20, it is
evident that theworkingclasswastheonlyrevolutionary force,yet its revolu-
tionary zealwasnot aspronouncedas toallow it to sacrifice the social gains
of theprecedingperiod.49At the timeof struggle, themiddle classes formed
aprogressivebloc, yetwhentheworkingclass consolidated itsposition, anti-
proletariantendenciesincreasedamongstthepettybourgeois.SincetheSocial
Democratsneglectedpoliticalworkinthecountryside,thepeasantrywassub-
ject to the influence of clerical forces. It was not the Social Democrats, but
theChristianSocialswhopavedtheway fornewlegislationandreformscon-
cerning ruralproperty relations.50At thebeginningof theRepublic, apartof
thepeasantry supported theworkers’ demonstrations because theyopposed
thewar,bureaucracy,andeconomicausterity–yettheirattitudetorevolution
changed radically as theworkers’ councils enforced food supply contingents.
The fear that thepeasantswouldnot support the councils proved fully justi-
fied.What ismore, theaimsofthepeasantrywereincompatiblewithsocialist
revolution – theywere landowners, and a triumphant revolution could not
increasethesizeoftheirestates,aslargeestatesinAustriaprimarilycomprised
grasslandsandwoods.Aworkers’ governmentwouldnothave the supportof
the agrarian provinces. Bauer’s conclusion that the Social Democrats had to
conductcoalitionpoliticswiththeChristianSocialswasindeedjustified.51
Thisdoesnotchangethe fact thata tendencytoavoidconflictprevailed in
thesdap,while theparty simultaneously strove tocultivateboth the trustof
theworking class and its status as the only significantworkers’ party. Bauer
andhispartycomrades’attitudetowardthecouncilsconfirmsthis. It isworth
notingthattheclassicMarxist textsdidnotusethetermworkers’councils, i.e.
therewasno talkof thecouncil systemasanorganisational formofworkers’
ruleduring theperiodofproletariandictatorship.Marxonlyoncementioned
thecommuneasapoliticalmodel thatservedeconomicemancipation inThe
48 AccordingtoVolpi, theemploymentrate intheagrarianprovinceswashigher inagricul-
turethanintheindustries. Itwas53percent inUpperAustria,56percent inTirol,and57
percentinStyria.Botzinterpretsthisstructureascontaininglowpotentialforrevolution-
arymobilisationdespitespontaneousmassmovements.SeeBotz1987,p.50.
49 TálosconfirmsthisassessmentinTálos1981,p. 147.
50 Bauerhimselfadmittedthis inBauer1976g,pp. 15–23and1925b,pp. 146–63.
51 Leser also attempts to justify the sdap’s coalition work and renunciation of struggle
by citing the existing isolation of the working class and impossibility of winning the
peasantryasrevolutionaryallies.SeeLeser1968,p.311.
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Titel
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Untertitel
- Thinker and Politician
- Autor
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Verlag
- Brill
- Ort
- Leiden
- Datum
- 2017
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Abmessungen
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Seiten
- 444
- Schlagwörter
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Kategorie
- Biographien