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the ‘thirdway’ to socialism 241
ReadingBauer’sworks onRussia, one cannot fail to notice that he recog-
nisedtheossificationofStalin’s systemandresultingdangers. In the 1930s,he
basedhisstandpointontwoelementaryassumptions.Firstly, thesentimental
belief that a socialist societywould arise fromtheprocess initiatedbyLenin
and theBolshevikParty,whichwasnot validatedby theactual eventsoccur-
ring in the Soviet republic. Secondly, that the existence of the ussr offered
hope for the internationalworking class.At the sdapparty congress of 1932,
when commenting on the situation in Russia, he stated that the demise of
the Soviet regimewould ‘strengthen reaction all over theworld. The break-
downof the great experimentwould shatter thebelief in thepossibility of a
socialistmode of production everywhere in theworld for a long time’ (our
translation).166Weresuchstatementsexclusivelymotivatedbypropagandistic
reasons as well as Bauer’s personal orientation towards the East? This was
most definitely not the case, yet there is an explanation for his emphasis on
socialist transformations in theussr: the SocialDemocrats’ fallacious belief
in a peaceful road to socialismwas destroyed by the defeat of theworkers’
movement inWestern Europe from 1933 until 1934. Consequently, prospects
for internationalsocialismlookedincreasinglymiserable. Inthissituation,the
Communist-ruled country appeared tohimas theonly force capable of pre-
venting the forwardmarch of fascism. Bauerwas convinced that the future
of the internationalworking class dependedonwhether ‘… itwill be able to
defendthegreatworld-historicgainsof thegreatRussianrevolution,beat the
mortal enemyof theworking class, fascism, takeadvantageof the great con-
vulsion that a newwarwill bring to the capitalist world, and overcome the
popularmasses.Thedictatorshipoftheproletariat,meanwhile,suspendstheresultsofthe
political emancipationof the individual inorder to force thesocial emancipationof the
popularmasses.But regardlessofhowprofoundlyand fundamentally theydiffer in this
respect, theynonethelesshave incommonthat theydestroy the libertiesandhumanity
that theageofbourgeois revolutionswon’ (our translation).Original: ‘Selbstverständlich
bestehteinwesentlicherGegensatzzwischendenbeidenmodernenFormenderDiktatur.
Die faschistischeDiktatur zerstörtdieResultatederpolitischenEmanzipationdes Indi-
viduums,umdiesozialeEmanzipationderVolksmassenzuverhindern.DieDiktaturdes
ProletariatshebtdieResultatederpolitischenEmanzipationdesIndividuumsauf,umdie
sozialeEmanzipationderVolksmassenzuerzwingen.Abersotiefundwesentlichdieser
Gegensatzauchist, sohabenbeidedochgemein,dasssiezerstören,wasdasZeitalterder
bürgerlichenRevolutionanFreiheitundMenschlichkeit eroberthat’ – seeBauer 1976p,
p. 196.
166 ‘…dieReaktion inder ganzenWelt stärken.DerZusammenbruchdes großenVersuchs
würde den Glauben an dieMöglichkeit einer sozialistischen Produktionsweise in der
ganzenWelt fürgeraumeZeiterschüttern’–Bauer1931,p.908.
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Titel
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Untertitel
- Thinker and Politician
- Autor
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Verlag
- Brill
- Ort
- Leiden
- Datum
- 2017
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Abmessungen
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Seiten
- 444
- Schlagwörter
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Kategorie
- Biographien