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the spectre of fascism 303
thespecialplaceoccupiedbyBauer’sanalysis intheMarxistbloc,however,we
cannotrefrainfromoutliningthedifferencesbetweenCommunistandSocial-
Democraticviewsof fascism.Withintheframeworkofourobservations, these
differences aremerely comparative rather thanconstitutive– the readerwill
thereforefindabriefexplanationinthefootnote.20
McGovernandViereck; (3) fascismasaproductofcapitalist societyandanti-proletarian
reaction, thusunderstoodbyauthors fromCominterncircles, e.g. Thalheimer, Labriola,
Dobb,Baran,Löwenthal,Sweezy,andat thetimeBauer.CompareDeFelice 1977,pp.37–
82.
20 Twobrief remarks beforewe cite themainCommunist and Social-Democratic assess-
mentsof fascisminthe1920sand30s.Firstly, this isaveryroughoutlinethatonlyserves
todemonstrate theessential characteristicsofboth interpretations.More thoroughand
complexreadingsoffascismcanbefoundinbothcamps.Secondly, thescientificvalueof
theseinterpretationsisofnointeresttousinthiscontext.Intheiranalysesoffascism,the
Communists–Dimitrov,Radek,Koszucka,Zetkin,Zinoviev, andothers– lookedmainly
attwosocialclasses:thebourgeoisieandtheproletariat.Whentheydidmentionthepetty
bourgeoisie, itwasof lessersignificance. Inthe1920s, theyregardedfascismasacounter-
revolutionarythreat,amethodofthebourgeoisietodefenditselfagainsttherevolutionary
danger emanating from the proletariat. Their position onlymarginally changed in the
courseof the 1930s.Whenidentifyingthesocialcarriersof fascism, theyno longerspoke
of thebourgeoisieasawhole,butspecificallysingledoutthefinanceoligarchy,believing
that thedestructionof theworkers’movementwasmerely its short-termobjective– in
the long-term, itwasplanninganother imperialistwarandanewdivisionof theworld.
Dimitrov’sdefinitionoffascism,asformulatedatthe13thenlargedplenumoftheexecut-
ivecommitteeoftheCominternandreiteratedattheeighthcongressinMoscowinAugust
1935,wouldbepivotalfortheCommunistsforyearstocome.Accordingtothisdefinition,
whichpersistedevenafterWorldWarii,fascismwasthe‘openterroristdictatorshipofthe
most reactionary,most chauvinistic andmost imperialist elementsof finance capital’ –
seeDimitrov1935.TheCommunistsdidnotshyawayfromaccusingtheSocialDemocrats
ofperiphrasticallyassistingfascismorevendirectlycollaboratingwithit.Until 1935, they
bandiedthephrase ‘social fascism’basedonthe‘theoryoffascism’coinedin1928,against
the Social Democrats. It nipped in the bud any attempts to build a united anti-fascist
front. In their attacksagainstparliamentarismandbourgeoisdemocracy, theCommun-
istsevenwentsofarastoequatedemocracywithfascistdictatorship.Dokumentyzhistorii
iiiMiędzynarodówkikomunistycznej, inDocuments,Programmes,Protocols,pp.275–465;
compareSobolevetal. 1971.
The Social Democrats’ attitude towards fascism in that period wasmore complex
than theCommunist position becausemanydifferent interpretations coexistedwithin
SocialDemocracy.Seee.g.Deutsch1926;Hilferding1932;Breitscheid1977;Rosenberg1934;
Bauer 1976pand1939. It is,however,possible tooutline thebasicpremisesof theSocial-
Democratic interpretations.Unlike theCommunists, theSocialDemocrats regardedthe
petty bourgeoisie and declassedmembers of all social layers and classes as the social
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Titel
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Untertitel
- Thinker and Politician
- Autor
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Verlag
- Brill
- Ort
- Leiden
- Datum
- 2017
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Abmessungen
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Seiten
- 444
- Schlagwörter
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Kategorie
- Biographien