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the spectre of fascism 309
not go so far as to credit themiddle class as an independent political force.
Rather, he thought of it as a mere instrument in the hands of the fascists
andde factobig capital. The elite of the fascist party hailed from the grande
bourgeoisie and landowners, whose interests opposed those of the middle
classes.Bauerwas right inasserting that the fascistdictatorshipemancipated
itselffromthefascistmovementthemomentitseizedpower,whichoccurredat
theexpenseoftheambitionsofthemiddleclasses.Hisotherconclusionwasno
lessaccurate:SocialDemocracyinpowerhaddisappointedthehopesofmany,
andduringtheperiodprior to fascismtaking full control, itwasunable touse
thediscontentandrevolutionarypotentialofthemiddleclassestoreinvigorate
itself. The programmes of theworkers’ parties had insufficiently taken into
accounttheinterestsofthemiddleclasses–thesdapprogrammesofthe1920s
cametoo late inthis respect.Becauseof thismisstep, the left-leaningsections
oftheseclassesdesertedinfavourof fascism.
Themain issuethatpreoccupiedBauer inhisworksonfascismfrom1924–
36was themechanismbywhich fascism could obtain dominance. In order
to discern it, he had to address a couple of questions. First, inwhatwaydid
the rebellion of themiddle classes lead to the introduction of fascist dictat-
orships? Second,which social forcesde facto allowed the fascistmovements
to assumepower and consolidate their rule? Bauerwas not the only one to
make use of Marx’s theory of Bonapartism as a blueprint to answer these
questions.30 August Thalheimer, then amember of theCommunist Party of
Germany (Opposition), andLeonTrotskyemployedmuch the samemodeof
explanation,andevennon-MarxisttheoristssuchasErnstFraenkel,FranzNeu-
mann,FriedrichPollock,AlfredSohn-Rethel,TimothyMasonandGertSchäfer
referred toMarx’s theory of Bonapartism in theirworkon fascism. This the-
oryprovokednumerouscontroversiesamongst socialistsanddidnot findthe
approvalofSocial-Democraticparties.31
30 InTheEighteenthBrumaireofLouisBonaparte,Marxanalysedthehistorical sourcesand
social content of Bonapartism. Forhim, thehistorically conditioned class constellation
of French society provided the prerequisites for Bonaparte’s coup. Themost valuable
achievement of Marx’s analysis was not somuch that he identified the actual social
basis (the peasantry whose land had been divided into parcels) and class content of
Bonapartism (the economic power of the finance oligarchy), but his emphasis on the
socio-politicalbalanceofforcesthatgaverisetoBonapartism:abourgeoisiethataimedto
protectitseconomicinterestsandaproletariatthatwasunabletogain,letalonemaintain,
powerinthestate inlightof thecrisis.SeeMarx1852.
31 The critical reader should not fail to notice that Bauer’s and Thalheimer’s analyses –
and, to a lesser extent, Trotsky’s – rathermechanically appliedMarx’s conclusions to
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Titel
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Untertitel
- Thinker and Politician
- Autor
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Verlag
- Brill
- Ort
- Leiden
- Datum
- 2017
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Abmessungen
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Seiten
- 444
- Schlagwörter
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Kategorie
- Biographien