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the spectre of fascism 311
its interests and economic position in the face of the radicalisation of the
workers’movement. Inhisbook,GleichgewichtderKlassenkräfte (TheBalance
ofClassForces),hewrote:
TheItalianFascismof1922istheequivalentoftheFrenchBonapartismof
1851. Inbothcases,anadventurerbackedbygangsofarmedadventurers
managed todisperse the bourgeois parliament and thus overthrow the
political rule of the bourgeoisie and erect his owndictatorship over all
classes. This occurred as the bourgeoisie abandoned its own political
representatives and threw itself into thearmsof the force that rebelled
again its own state power. In exchange for its political rule, it saved its
propertyagainst theproletarianthreat.33
ourtranslation
Bauerwas evidently incorrect.Atnopointwas fascisma reaction to the vic-
toriesof theworkingclass;afterall, theworkingclasshadalreadybeendriven
onto thedefensiveby thebourgeoisie in theearly 1920s. In fact, theopposite
was the case: the shortcomingsof theworkers’movement, thehollownessof
its words, and the sluggishness of its leaders drove the petty bourgeois and
workers into the arms of the fascists, allowing them to build a social base
for their success.34 This was not the only deficiency in Bauer’s analysis. In
theaforementioned text, theauthor recognised that fascistBonapartismwas
a specific formof counter-revolution rather than a dictatorship of the bour-
geoisie. Yet Bauer did not take into account the role of fascist mass organ-
isations and conflicts between the petty bourgeoisie and big bourgeoisie.35
It is important to remember that he disregarded the threat of fascism dur-
ing that period, and it was in this spirit that hemade his statements at the
1927congressof the sdap.36Hisnonchalancemightbeascribed to thebelief
33 ‘Der italienischeFaschismusvon 1922 ist dasGegenstückdes französischenBonapartis-
musvon 1851. InbeidenFällenhat einAbenteurer, aufBandenbewaffneterAbenteurer
gestützt,dasbürgerlicheParlamentauseinanderjagendamitdiepolitischeHerrschaftdas
Bourgeoisie stürzen und seine Diktatur über alle Klassen aufrichten können, weil die
Bourgeoisie selbst ihrepolitischeVertretung imStich ließ, ihreeigeneKlassenherrschaft
preisgab,sichdergegenihreeigeneStaatsmachtrebellierendenGewalt indieArmewarf
um,gegenPreisgabeihrerpolitischenHerrschaftihrvomProletariatbedrohtesEigentum
zuretten’–seeBauer1980o,p.66.
34 CompareHeimann1985,p. 136.
35 SeePelinka1985,p.60.
36 At the time, he stated: ‘one should not try to scare uswith the Italian example…The
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Titel
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Untertitel
- Thinker and Politician
- Autor
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Verlag
- Brill
- Ort
- Leiden
- Datum
- 2017
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Abmessungen
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Seiten
- 444
- Schlagwörter
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Kategorie
- Biographien