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354 closing remarks
of theHeimwehr.However, it is questionablewhether it couldhave smashed
NazismandcounteredtheriseofGermannationalismandanti-Semitism.
When assessing Bauer’s political conduct, it is necessary to draw a line
betweenwhatwas advocated andwhatwas day-to-day practice determined
bysocio-historicalconditionsandthepoliticalsituation.Bauer’spolicieswere
designedtocreatemechanismsthatwouldpushthebourgeoisstate inadem-
ocratic-liberal direction. Before the rise of fascism, he succeeded in this to
a considerable extent. The overriding strategic goal, socialism, never made
himblindtotheshort-termadvantagesthatreformistpoliciescouldbringthe
workingclassinabourgeoisstate.Successcameintheformofsociallegislation
andinstitutionsthatchangedthelivingandworkingconditionsof themasses
for thebetter.The livingstandardof the lowersocialclasses intoday’sAustria
is apermanentachievementof theSocial-Democraticmovementof theFirst
Republic.
Noneof this fullyabsolvesBauer fromresponsibility for thepoliticaldefeat
ofAustromarxism.Asthesdap’skeystrategist,heischieflyat fault forstoking
themasses’ illusions as to thepower of theworkers’movement.He canalso
beblamed forhis excessivebelief indemocracy’s defensivemechanismsand
the stability of the democratic form of government. Moreover, his belief in
the superiority and cultural and politicalmission of theGermannation led
himtooverratetherevolutionarystrengthoftheGermanworkers’movement.
Bauer’srevolutionarypathoswasalsopoliticallyharmful.8Notthatitwasofany
8 Bauer’semotionally loadedspeeches inparliamentprovokedhecklessuchas ‘Jewishlackey’
and ‘Bolshevik’. Somedidnot stop short of physical attacks.His verbal radicalismwas the
reason for polarised attitudes towardshim in thepress. Social-Democratic papers deemed
Otto Bauer the theoretical inheritor of Victor Adler. The bourgeois press – especially the
Reichspost,NeueFreiePresse, andDeutschösterreichischeZeitung–paintedadamningpor-
trait of a politician out of touch with socio-political reality, capable only of viewing the
world throughtheprismofclass struggle.Wemightaddto thisa fewwordsonBauer’satti-
tude to life. Hewas a passionate anduncompromising speaker – but onlywhen speaking
from the platform. In private, he was extraordinarily humble, timid, and not very social.
When speaking to peasants andworkers, he suffered from an inferiority complex typical
for thebourgeois intelligentsia. Because of this, Bauer approachedworkers and intellectu-
als in different ways. Full of patience and understanding when in conversationwith the
former,hewas farmoremorallydemandingof the latter, andhekept thematarm’s length.
His contemporaries’ recollectionsdescribeBauer as someonealien to the salons, using the
tram to commute to the Baroque Palace on Ballhausplatz inworn-out clothes every day.
Although hewas a well-known andwealthy politician, he continued to live in amodest
one-bedroomflat inKasernengasse2,astreet thatstillbearshisname.Bauerpossessedtwo
qualities that peoplehighly valued in Social-Democratic politicians: hedidnot attach any
Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
Thinker and Politician
- Titel
- Otto Bauer (1881–1938)
- Untertitel
- Thinker and Politician
- Autor
- Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp
- Verlag
- Brill
- Ort
- Leiden
- Datum
- 2017
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC-ND 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-90-04-32583-8
- Abmessungen
- 7.9 x 12.0 cm
- Seiten
- 444
- Schlagwörter
- Otto Bauer, Österreich, Österreichische, Politiker, Denker, Austomarxismus, Sozialismus, Moral, Imperialismus, Nation, Demokratie, Revolution, Staat, Faschismus, Krieg, SDAP
- Kategorie
- Biographien