Seite - 962 - in THE FIRST WORLD WAR - and the End of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1914 – 1918

962 The Twilight Empire time had been chosen for the octroi, since in connection with the results of the meeting at Spa and the discussions in Berlin, Seidler’s step was regarded as blatantly taking the imperial German course and, on this matter, the Slavs most certainly had no desire to cooperate. In May, the government prohibited agitation in favour of the May Declaration by the Southern Slav Club. At the same time, Seidler and Emperor Karl assured the German parties that they would not forfeit access to the Adriatic under any circum- stances.2329 However, it was not only the Czechs and Slovenes who brought down Seidler’s Cabinet, but above all the Poles. Two days after Emperor Karl and Kaiser Wilhelm met in Spa, the Polish Club decided to refuse to agree to the next budget, which was due to be passed by 30 June. If this failed to occur, emergency measures and the end of parliamentarianism loomed once more. Seidler tendered his resignation to the Em- peror. However, Karl refused to accept it. Seidler was forced to remain in office, and his actions became increasingly uncontrolled. From 1 July onwards, the state budget no longer had parliamentary approval. A conference of representatives of the parties was then held, which decided the order of the day for the next session of the Reichsrat. Two items were already on the list : the first reading of the provisional budget and a ministerial denouncement of Seidler and Interior Minister Toggenburg. At the opening of the Reichsrat on 16 July 1918, Seidler invoked his government programme. He was doubtless correct when he accused the Slav parties and the Czechs in particular of not being willing to cooperate, and saying that the Czechs had refused to participate in the ‘commission for the revision of the constitution’. With the division of the regions, he claimed, a start had been made in separating the administration of the national settlement regions from each other, and in creating the conditions for the autonomy of the peoples after the war. This was all very well, but Seidler then contin- ued : ‘And if under the circumstance that the government were to finally abandon the comity of nations that has been sought for so long and with such patience, there is an intimation that a German path might be taken, then I would not be inclined to go against it. Since if there is a political path in Austria, then it can only be such a one that guaranteed full protection of the justified interests of the German people. The back- bone of this multi-faceted state is after all the German people, and will always remain so.’2330 This was a challenge to a fight. The house was in uproar. However, Seidler was clearly prepared to go even further and, indeed, staked everything on one card. The challenge to the Slavs was only in- tended to heat up the mood. Since on 23 July, the debate was due to begin on the failure of the army and individual generals during the Piave Offensive, it had been agreed with the German radicals that they could start a commotion and, in so doing, offer a pretext for again dissolving the Reichsrat. As a result, in a new version of the civilian dictator-