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siting futurity
tempted to consolidate the right by announcing that his party
would not form part of next government if it should fall below its
second-place status. While his promise did mobilize his voters
as he had planned, it did not have the desired effect. Schüssel’s
ÖVP came in third behind Haider’s FPÖ by the slimmest of mar-
gins: both parties won 26.91% of the votes and 52 seats, with the
FPÖ getting 415 more votes than the ÖVP in a country with a
population at the time of over 8 million — 8,032,926 in the 2001
census, and the actual count was 1,244,087 votes to 1,243,672.
After protracted negotiations among the three parties, the ÖVP
and the FPÖ announced at the end of January 2000 that they
would be forming the next government. This agreement saw the
Freedomites share the government for the second time since be-
ing founded in 1956.8 The agreement was met with great con-
sternation by the EU, which issued a statement urging the Aus-
trians to rethink such a step. When the coalition nonetheless
went ahead on February 4, the EU-14 — the other EU member-
states besides Austria — unanimously decided to suspend diplo-
matic relations with the country. Only when Haider resigned as
FPÖ leader and the coalition issued a declaration promising to
abide by EU values, were the sanctions against Austria lifted in
September 2000.9
The decision on the part of the Wiener Festwochen to solicit
Schlingensief’s spectacle Please Love Austria for its 2000 pro-
gram is thus to be understood as “a political statement by festival
director, Luc Bondy, in response to the election outcome” (Var-
ney 2010, 109). Building on his experience with the unemployed
and the homeless, Schlingensief this time turned to the refugees
that were the bane of the far-right’s existence, and whose pres-
ence they continue to milk successfully to curry favor with sup-
porters happy enough to blame the refugees for all the ills in the
8 The first time was in 1983 when a particularly liberal version of the party
led by Norbert Steger was in a coalition with the SPÖ, which lasted until
Jörg Haider took over the FPÖ leadership in 1986.
9 Fiddler’s reading of Jelinek’s 2000 Das Lebewohl: Ein Haider-Monologe
[Farewell: A Haider Monologue], turns on the double meaning of resigna-
tion (Fiddler 2018, 148–55).
Siting Futurity
The “Feel Good” Tactical Radicalism of Contemporary Culture in and around Vienna
- Titel
- Siting Futurity
- Untertitel
- The “Feel Good” Tactical Radicalism of Contemporary Culture in and around Vienna
- Autor
- Susan Ingram
- Verlag
- punctumbooks
- Ort
- New York
- Datum
- 2021
- Sprache
- englisch
- Lizenz
- CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
- ISBN
- 978-1-953035-48-6
- Abmessungen
- 12.6 x 20.2 cm
- Seiten
- 224
- Schlagwörter
- activism, Austria, contemporary art, contemporary theater, protest culture, radicalism, social protest, Vienna
- Kategorie
- Geographie, Land und Leute
Inhaltsverzeichnis
- Preface 11
- Introduction 19
- 1. (Re)Forming Vienna’s Culture of Resistance: The Proletenpassions @ #Arena 39
- 2. Converting Kebab and Currency into Community on Planet #Ottakring 57
- 3. Lazarus’s Necropolitical Afterlife at Vienna’s #Volkstheater 81
- 4. Hardly Homemad(e): #Schlingensief’s Container 101
- 5. From Grand Hotels to Tiny Treasures: Wes Anderson and the Ruin Porn Worlds of Yesterday 119
- 6. Capitalism, Schizophrenia, and #Vanlife: The Alpine Edukation of Hans Weingarter 143
- 7. #Hallstatt: Welcome to Jurassic World 161
- Bibliography 189
- Filmography 215