Page - 702 - in THE FIRST WORLD WAR - and the End of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1914 – 1918

702 The Consequences of the Russian February Revolution Let us also take a look at the reactions to the February Revolution in other contexts. For one, there were the hundreds of prisoner of war camps in Russia, in which members of the Austro-Hungarian armed forces, as well as other camps, in which Germans were awaiting the end of the war. The news about the revolution also spread here like wildfire. On 16 March, the camp commanders were still very unsure as to the impact the events in Russia would have and how much they were permitted to tell the prisoners of war. But in the days that followed, special readings from newspapers began. Then, Russian soldiers also crossed the camps with music and red flags ; they blended in among the prisoners and proclaimed : ‘Now oust Wilhelm, just as we have ousted the Tsar, then no more blood will flow and we are brothers.’1600 Within political circles in the Danube Monarchy, it took time before the meaning of the events could be understood even to a limited extent. Redlich’s first entry concerning the abdication of the Tsar and doubts about whether Russia would continue to bow to the wishes of the Entente was on 22 March. He wrote : ‘There is still no clarification regarding the Russian Revolution. I find the matter similar to a huge repetition of the Decembrist revolt of 1825 [which, as we know, was an enormous error of judgement]. Is there a possibility to organise Russia on a liberal, democratic [and] parliamentary basis ? The first determined senior general will be master of the situation : the question, however, is whether he will then bring the imperial family back to power.’1601 On 25 March, Redlich wrote : ‘The Russian Revolution is more puzzling than ever. […] If a dictator has arisen, they will kiss his hands again. […] In the meantime, everyone is waiting anxiously to see whether the army of Russia will soon disintegrate.’1602 This was precisely the hope that very quickly flickered and electrified the people. ‘Even in the otherwise so pessimistic Vienna, the political situation is now regarded as by and large more favourable’, reported the Saxon envoy in Vienna, Alfred von Nostitz-Wall- witz.1603 But it was only a flicker. Since at the same time the food crisis broke out in Austria-Hungary with all force, the hinterland very soon lost any interest in Russia. ‘Under such circumstances, the mood in the broad strata of the population is worse than just depressed ; it is frequently acrimonious’, wrote the Saxon envoy a few weeks later.1604 And Josef Redlich remarked on 16 April : ‘I still do not believe there will be a good end to the Russian Revolution. But “up here”, where we are, it’s becoming very social democratic out of sheer fear.’ Redlich could also already report on 24 April what was then confirmed in the memoirs of Ottokar Czernin, namely that the Foreign Min- ister wanted to win over the Social Democrat leaders Viktor Adler and Karl Renner to advocate a separate peace in talks with the Russian Social Democrats.1605 The Chief of the Imperial Military Chancellery, Major General Marterer, noted on 21 March : ‘The revolution in Russia and the events there, which haven’t entirely been clarified, engage our entire attention. The peace party wins ground in Russia on a daily basis.’ Czernin saw the Russian Revolution as an opportunity to achieve a general