Page - 726 - in THE FIRST WORLD WAR - and the End of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1914 – 1918

726 Summer 1917 clearly a downward trend, and the shortage of raw materials made itself increasingly felt. The capacities alone were not enough if there was nothing to process. However, to this extent, the Hindenburg Programme and all the other emergency measures adopted by the state had been a success in that during the first half-year of 1917, the situation did not deteriorate significantly. The entire situation was a closed circle. If it were possible to provide the industry with sufficient raw materials, then it could continue to produce, and if no even more severe supply shortages were to occur, the provision of food for the population could be secured. Only then could a loss of loyalty that posed a danger to the state be prevented. However, all this depended on how long this war would still last. In May 1917, there were extended strikes and workers’ demonstrations in Vienna. They were triggered by other issues than the unrest during the first months of the year or before, which had been classifiable as purely hunger demonstrations. Now, the Russian Revolution and the trial of Friedrich Adler were making their presence felt. At times, it must have seemed as though he were the prosecutor. His accusations against the lead- ership of the Social Democrat movement did not remain without effect. Why had the Social Democrats  – like everyone else  – allowed themselves to be carried away by the enthusiasm of the masses in July 1914 ? Was there really a justification for the truce ? What role was being played by the trade unions ? The workers were no longer willing to be led by the trade unions, and the good relationship between the War Ministry and the workers was gradually being lost. In order to be able to implement the Hindenburg Programme, an extension of the obligation to work was ordered. An imperial decree was also designed to counteract the lack of discipline among women working in the war industry. For this purpose, complaints committees were set up, which were given the task of intervening in wage issues and when social conflicts occurred. The Army Administration deduced from this that work stoppages were inadmissible. After all, the complaints committees were there to act as arbitrators. The announcements that the strikes were prohibited were again made on 26 May 1917, just after 15,000 male and female workers at the Arsenal in Vienna, one of the largest production sites of the state armaments industry, had staged a walkout.1664 The reason was not an eminent one, if one regards the cancellation of an additional weekly ration of ½ kg of flour as being of no import during these times. Ultimately, the specific reason itself did not matter. The workers wanted to vent their feelings. They felt exploited.1665 The number of people in employment had increased twenty times during the course of the war. Instead of 30 buildings, there were now 100 in the Arsenal, a steelworks, tin and copper works, and huge production facilities for artillery guns, in which production continued for 24 hours a day. The walkout was merely a warning signal. And when the Emperor, unaware of what was happening, drove past the strikers, they all greeted him respectfully. This was after all not only an ‘Imperial and Royal social democracy’, but also an ‘Imperial and Royal workforce’ ! The people demanded an eight-hour working day, instead of