The Place of Masaryk in the Culture Wars (Kulturkampf)#

Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk is commemorated in various contexts. Most of his work is now identified only with the anti-Austria resistance, the emergence of Czechoslovakia and the whole of the First Czechoslovak Republic. But it was rather the conclusion, respectively the culmination of his long political work. Masaryk had an extraordinary influence on the face of public debate since the 1880s: whether through his work at the Prague Charles University where he influenced several generations of Czech intellectuals, or through his role as a public intellectual who was not afraid to go against public opinion in such sensitive cases such as disputes over so called Czech Manuscripts, in Hilsneriada, and others. His influence was also exceptional through the journals he was managing or influencing, and especially in numerous of his publications. By all these facts he affected the understanding to the Czech spiritual traditions and to the history and the formulation of the Czech political program. Masaryk has long been regarded as a main representative of the Czech Left (where, undoubtedly, he belonged with his so-called realistic part of politics). The Right parties of the First Czechoslovak Republic had their long-standing problems with his support. But perhaps the greatest distance was, however, between TG Masaryk and the Catholic part of the Czech society - between them was a deep trench. This was due to his extraordinary commitment in anti-clerical efforts and his role in the so-called cultural wars (Kulturkampf) in the Czech lands at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. And to this aspect of his work will be devoted this presentation.

Kulturkampf in the Czech Lands#

Masaryk and his relations with the Catholic Church#

Masaryk and his participation in Kulturkampf before the First World War#

Masaryk was engaged perhaps in every better known case close to anti-clericalism. He was one of the leading figures in perhaps the best-known event, the so-called Judas affair. It was that in 1905 in the Moravian town of Prostějov. There was an exhibition held of paintings by the famous painter František Kupka. In the catalog to this exhibition an article by professor Karel Juda (it was signed under the pseudonym Kara Ben Jehuda), professor at the gymnasium, was published. This article attacked religion. Against this, the local priest Karel Dostál Lutinov protested in the newspaper. Dostal complained that Juda – as the teacher and the educator of the youth should not publicly criticize the Church. He demanded the removal of false and defamatory statements and an apology to those Juda had pointed to. Dostal’s article started a big affair. The Catholics defended themselves against the insults of religion, anti-clericalists against the denunciation they saw in Dostál's letter. The affair was considered by the opponents of Catholicism to confirm the claim promoted by Masaryk: "A catechist is a government-sponsored denunciator." Here we see one of the characteristic features of Masaryk in his anti-clerical struggle - the generalizations and stereotypes that he so much rejected in other areas. Dostal's article intended to solve many other questions: freedom of conscience, ethical standards, human values, the Church influence in society etc. It is not important at this moment how the whole affair ended (the defeating of Juda). Let's notice the Masaryk's role in it. For example - at one meeting in Prague in January 1906 he said that “scientific thinking and Catholicism are two worlds that exclude each other”. For this reason he demanded religion be removed from school, stating that religion only teaches children to lie and to divide. That meeting due to these and similar words was officially dissolved after half an hour. Thereafter, three court proceedings took place, but all three of them were won by Masaryk. Another affair demonstrates which battles Masaryk led and how petty were some causes which led to big wars. There were not only great political events in Vienna for him; he worked primarily on the lowest local level. It was the so-called Konečný affair (1907-1908), which started by the effort of Alois Konečný to become the basic school director in the village of Bludov in northern Moravia - until then he had been director in nearby Bohdíkov. Konečný was a symbol and leading figures of North Moravian Progressives. He headed the Central Association of the Teachers Associations in Moravia, he was one of the leaders of the National Socialist Party in Moravia. The Catholics in Bludov started a major offensive against Konečný to be elected director. They used his earlier activities – one year before he had organized the first civil funeral in the region (the funeral of his teacher's colleague); and his own pre-election campaign (un-successful) to the Moravian Assembly in 1906. In that campaign he had stated that religion hurted children and therefore had to be removed from school. The Moravian school council agreed with the objections of his opponents and sentenced Konečný for violating his teacher's duties, to lose the post of director in Bohdíkov and,above all, to transfer him to another, a subordinate place. After the decision of the Moravian school council the major parts of Moravia and Bohemia started to protest. A number of demonstrations, meetings of municipal committees or party associations were held. Just in that moment Masaryk began to engage himself. In the Vienna Reichsrat he interpellated the government. He participated in a number of public meetings and demonstrations. The final decision in this affair was made by the Austrian Prime Minister, Max Wladimir von Beck, who confirmed the decision of the school council, but ultimately weakened the final sentence – Konečný was transferred but not to a subordinate position. Masaryk engaged himself also in other affairs connected with universities and their relations to the Church, for example in Wahrmund’s affair. On Masaryk example we can also characterize the nature of the Austrian state. Although the state was accused of its clerical character, Masaryk had never been condemned by this state for his anti-clerical activities, although he had been accused several times. He could present his views publicly - as a university professor, a deputy, a public intellectual. So also at his example we can confirm the liberal nature of the last decades of Austria-Hungary, when the so-called connection between the throne and the altar was mostly symbolic and ritualistic.

Masaryk, Kulturkampf and his time as President#

Conclusion#

Contact: balik@fss.muni.cz